In:Crossroads Semantics: Computation, experiment and grammar
Edited by Hilke Reckman, Lisa Lai-Shen Cheng, Maarten Hijzelendoorn and Rint Sybesma
[Not in series 210] 2017
► pp. 207–225
Chapter 13Stacking up for the long way down
Published online: 12 April 2017
https://doi.org/10.1075/z.210.13den
https://doi.org/10.1075/z.210.13den
Abstract
In Categorial Grammar, “[t]he combinatorics of long-distance dependencies are steered … by conditions on the state of argument stacks” (Cremers 2004: 99). In this paper I argue that in mainstream Chomskyan syntax, modelling filler-gap dependencies in these terms also works well, and is superior to the standard bottom-up movement-based approach. The discussion focuses primarily on the familiar locality restrictions on the establishment of long-distance filler-gap dependencies, and recasts “Subjacency” and “ECP” effects from the perspective of the top-down approach.
Article outline
- 1.Directionality
- 1.1Bottom-up structure building
- 1.2Top-down structure building
- 2.Cyclicity
- 3.Locality
- 3.1Strong islands: Absolute opacity
- 3.2Weak islands: Intervention and path containment
- 4.Conclusion
Acknowledgements Notes References
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