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Article published In: Written Language & Literacy
Vol. 27:2 (2024) ► pp.218–265

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A reappraisal of the development of the Mayan Syllabary

 | UNC-Chapel Hill
Published online: 20 January 2026
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https://doi.org/10.1075/wll.00089.mor
Abstract
This paper revisits the problem of the derivation of phonographic signs in Mayan writing (cf. (2003). The Origin of Mayan Syllabograms and Orthographic Conventions. Written Language and Literacy 6(2):193–237. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar). The primary goal is to evaluate Lacadena’s (Lacadena García-Gallo, Alfonso. (2010a). Historical Implications of the Presence of Non-Mayan Linguistic Features in Maya Script. In The Maya and Their Neighbours: Internal and External Contacts Through Time. Proceedings of the 10th European Maya Conference, Leiden, December 2005, edited by Laura van Broekhoven, Rogelio Valencia Rivera, Benjamín Vis and Frauke Sachse, pp. 29–39. Acta Mesoamericana, vol. 23, Verlag Antonn Saurwein, Markt Schwaben.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar, . (2010b). On the Origins of the Maya Script. Paper presented at The Maya Meetings, March 16–19, 2010. Casa Herrera, Antigua, Guatemala.) proposal that the Mayan syllabary was initially derived through the wholesale adoption of a Mixe-Zoquean-based script. Lacadena argued that Mayan <CV> syllabograms based on consonants shared by both Mayan and Mixe-Zoquean generally lack acrophonic explanations, while <CV> syllabograms for consonants exclusive to Mayan can be explained either by Mayan-based acrophony or graphic modifications of existing graphemes (i.e. addition of graphic elements, or coinage of digraphs). After (1) preparing a more comprehensive dataset of Mayan syllabograms using the Maya Hieroglyphic Database (Looper, Matthew G., and Martha J. Macri. (1991–2024). Maya Hieroglyphic Database. Department of Art and Art History, California State University, Chico. URL: [URL]), and (2) conducting a more thorough review of the literature for possible acrophonic derivations and the nature of graphic modifications and seemingly digraphic combinations, the paper carries out a statistical test of a syllabary development model based on Lacadena’s proposal, concluding that such model is not viable, and that on present evidence, the Mayan syllabary was mostly an autochtonous invention.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Preliminaries
    • 2.1Impact of Lacadena’s proposal
    • 2.2Linguistic background
    • 2.3Epigraphic background
  • 3.Acrophonic and non-acrophonic derivations
    • 3.1Acrophonic derivations
    • 3.2Non-acrophonic derivations
      • 3.2.1Borrowing
      • 3.2.2Digraphic derivations
      • 3.2.3Graphic modifications
  • 4.Reviewing Lacadena’s proposal
    • 4.1Lacadena’s observations and their implications
    • 4.2Formulating and testing the model, Part 1
  • 5.Problems with Lacadena’s proposal
    • 5.1Mayan adoption/adaptation of mixe-zoquean-based <hV> Signs
    • 5.2Omission of <ʔV> Signs
    • 5.3Problematic proposal of <b’V> signs derived from <mV> Signs
    • 5.4Undercounting acrophony
  • 6.Methods and new tests
    • 6.1Procedure
    • 6.2New dataset
    • 6.3New statistical tests
  • 7.Discussion and conclusions
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • References
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