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In:Valence Changes in Zapotec: Synchrony, diachrony, typology
Edited by Natalie Operstein and Aaron Huey Sonnenschein
[Typological Studies in Language 110] 2015
► pp. 237–280

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Chapter 12. Causative morphology in Macuiltianguis Zapotec

 | University of Texas Rio Grande Valley
 | University of Texas Rio Grande Valley
Published online: 16 December 2015
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https://doi.org/10.1075/tsl.110.12for
Kaufman (1994–2007) reconstructs three different protoZapotec causative morphemes: *(s)se, *o, and *k. Reflexes of all three are found in the modern Northern Zapotec language of Macuiltianguis Zapotec (MacZ). However, in MacZ they are not all valency increasing morphemes associated with causative semantics as evidenced by the fact that they cooccur on verbs marking only a single causative event. In this paper, we argue that in MacZ, only d(i), the reflex of *(s)se, bears causative semantics. The *o reflex is associated with agentive subjects, but not necessarily causativity, while *k’s association with causatives may have derived from protoZapotec *k(i), a potential aspect prefix.
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