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In:Particles in German, English, and Beyond
Edited by Remus Gergel, Ingo Reich and Augustin Speyer
[Studies in Language Companion Series 224] 2022
► pp. 323–354

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Chapter 12
Mandarin exhaustive focus shì and the syntax of discourse congruence

 | National University of Singapore
Published online: 16 August 2022
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https://doi.org/10.1075/slcs.224.12erl
Abstract
This paper describes three constraints that together govern the distribution of the exhaustive focus marker shì in Mandarin Chinese. First, I argue that shì is a sentential focus particle that is subject to a requirement to adjoin as low as possible within its clause or phase. Second, I show that shì requires a congruent Question Under Discussion (QUD). Third and finally, I show that there are certain reduced clauses where shì is completely disallowed, although other focus particles such as ‘only’ may appear. To explain this last restriction, I propose that reference to a QUD is mediated by a functional head in the clause periphery. Shì is thus unavailable in reduced clauses which do not project this high functional layer.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Shì semantics
  • 3.Shì is a sentential focus particle
  • 4.Shì requires a congruent QUD
  • 5.On the distribution of shì and the syntax of discourse congruence
    • 5.1Clauses which disallow shì
    • 5.2Proposal
    • 5.3The “one shì per clause” restriction
  • 6.Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
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Cited by (2)

Cited by two other publications

Erlewine, Michael Yoshitaka
2025. Interrogative and standard disjunction in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of Semantics DOI logo
Erlewine, Michael Yoshitaka
2025. Focus intervention, multiple association, and the unity of focus and wh alternatives. Linguistics and Philosophy 48:3 ► pp. 527 ff. DOI logo

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