Article published In: Studies in Language
Vol. 47:2 (2023) ► pp.463–504
It’s all about the sentential construction
Lexicalization of complete mono-clausal sentences into words – Evidence from Hebrew
Published online: 8 November 2022
https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21006.bec
https://doi.org/10.1075/sl.21006.bec
Abstract
Cross-linguistically, very few complete sentences, as opposed to a myriad of phrases, lexicalize to become words.
I here offer an account for this skewed distribution, along the lines of Construction Grammar, by analyzing a set of mono-clausal
sentences in Hebrew which have indeed become – or are on the verge of becoming – words. I adopt the distinction between
categorical and thetic propositions, and show that only the latter can evolve into words. A thetic – unlike a categorical –
proposition, much like a verb-phrase, enables a tight semantic bonding between its components to form an ‘interpretatively
cohesive’ unit, which may lead to semantic change. An evaluative thetic – unlike a categorical – proposition is comment-like,
hence ‘semantically-incomplete’, and in need of a topic from prior discourse to predicate on, which may lead to a change in
grammatical status. All verb-phrases meet these two criteria but only few sentences do, hence, I argue, the skewed distribution of
sources from which new words evolve.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The constructional change studied determines the constructional model adopted
- 2.1The constructional change studied
- 2.2The constructional model adopted
- 3.The structural properties of categorical and thetic propositions in Hebrew
- 3.1Xaval ‘it’s too bad/a pity’
- 3.2Ba ‘it feels like’
- 3.3Efšar ‘it’s possible’
- 3.4En ‘there is/are no’
- 3.5The sentences studied here and their usage as words
- 3.5.1Xaval al ha-zman (Originally ‘it’s a waste of time’)
- 3.5.2Ba livkot (originally ‘it feels like crying’)
- 3.5.3Efšar lehištage’a (originally ‘it’s possible to go crazy’)
- 3.5.4En dvarim ka-ele/u (originally ‘there are no such things’)
- 4.‘Interpretative cohesion’ enabled by theticity drives the semantic change
- 4.1Phrases are interpretatively cohesive units and therefore tend towards semantic opacity
- 4.2Dativeless thetic propositions are interpretatively cohesive units and therefore lend themselves to semantic opacity
- 4.2.1The predicate in dativeless thetic propositions and the NP that follows form an interpretatively cohesive unit
- 4.2.2The predicate in dativeless thetic propositions and the infinitive that follows form an interpretatively cohesive unit
- 5.‘Semantic Incompleteness’ enabled by theticity drives the grammatical change
- 6.The semantic change and the change in grammatical status may benefit from the absence of the dative participant
- 6.1The potential interference of the dative participant with the semantic change
- 6.2The potential interference of the dative participant with the change in grammatical status
- 7.A possibly related phenomenon?
- 8.Summary and Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations
References
References (95)
Allerton, David John. & Alan Cruttenden. 1979. Three
reasons for accenting a definite subject. Journal of
Linguistics 15(1). 49–53.
Ariel, Mira, Elitzur Dattner, John W. Du Bois & Tal Linzen. 2015. Pronominal
datives: The royal road to argument status. Studies in
Language 39(2). 257–321.
Becker &
Ariel. submitted. Scaffolding the sentential Ultimate construction into a word
Becker, Israela & Rachel Giora. 2018. The
Defaultness Hypothesis: A quantitative corpus-based study of non/default sarcasm and literalness
production. Journal of
Pragmatics 1381. 149–164.
Bergs, Alexander & Gabriele Diewald. 2008. Constructions
and language change. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Berman, Ruth A. 1980. The case of an (S)VO language:
Subjectless constructions in Modern
Hebrew. Language 56(4). 759–776.
Blank, Andreas. 2001. Pathways
of lexicalization. In Wolfgang Raible, Martin Haspelmath, Ekkehard König & Wulf Oesterreicher (eds.), Language
universals and language
typology, 1596–1608. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter.
Brinton, Laurel J. & Elizabeth Closs Traugott. 2005. Lexicalization
and language change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Brown, Cheryl. 1983. Topic
continuity in written English narrative. In Talmy Givón (ed.), Topic
continuity in discourse: A quantitative cross-language
study, 313–342. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Bybee, Joan L. 2003. Cognitive processes in
grammaticalization. In Michael Tomasello (ed.), The
new psychology of
language, Vol. II1, 145–167. New York: Psychology Press.
Comrie, Bernard. 1989. Language
universals and linguistic typology: Syntax and morphology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Coussé, Evie, Peter Andersson & Joel Olofsson. 2018. Grammaticalization
meets construction grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Croft, William. 2001. Radical
Construction Grammar: Syntactic theory in typological
perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Dahl, Östen & Kari Fraurud. 1996. Animacy
in grammar and discourse. In Thorstein Fretheim & Jeanette K. Gundel (eds.), Reference
and referent
accessibility, 47–64. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Dattner, Elitzur. 2008. Lower
Transitivity Constructions in Hebrew: The Case of Motion Verbs. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University MA thesis.
. 2019. The
Hebrew dative: Usage patterns as discourse profile
constructions. Linguistics 57(5). 1073–1110.
Diewald, Gabriele. 2006. Context
types in grammaticalization as constructions. In Doris Schönefeld (ed.), Special
Volume 1 of Constructions: Constructions all over – Case studies and theoretical
implications. Available at: [URL] (last access 30 August 2022).
Divjak, Dagmar. 2010. Structuring
the lexicon: A clustered model for
near-synonymy. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Divjak, Dagmar & Laura A. Janda. 2008. Ways
of attenuating agency in Russian. Transactions of the Philological
Society 106(2). 138–179.
Dubnov, Keren. 2005a. šem ha-to’ar be-tafkid HGM ba-ʕivrit ha-xadaša be-rešita (Adjectives functioning as impersonals (Ḥagam) in early Modern
Hebrew). In Tamar Alexander, Josef Tobi, Dan Laor, Ziva Amishai-Maisels & Ora Schwartzwald (eds.), Iggud:
Selected Essays in Jewish
Studies, 31–40. Jerusalem: World Union of Jewish Studies. [in Hebrew].
. 2005b. tirgumey še’ila mivni’im ba-roved ha-mukdam šel ha-ʕivrit ha-xadaša (Structural loan translations in Early Modern
Hebrew). Jerusalem: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem PhD dissertation [in Hebrew].
Epstein, Ruth. 1971. ha-mišpatim ha-musai’im bamikra (The object clauses in the Old
Testament). Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University MA thesis [in Hebrew].
Fillmore, Charles J., Paul Kay & Mary Catherine O’Connor. 1988. Regularity
and idiomaticity in grammatical constructions: The case of let
alone. Language 64(3). 501–538.
Finkbeiner, Rita & Jörg Meibauer. 2016. Boris “Ich bin drin” Becker (‘Boris I am in
Becker’). Syntax, semantics and pragmatics of a special naming
construction. Lingua 1811. 36–57.
Firbas, Jan. 1974. Some
aspects of the Czechoslovak approach to problems of functional sentence
perspective. In František Daneš (ed.), Papers
of functional sentence
perspective, 11–37. Prague: Academia.
Fodor, Jerry A. & Thomas G. Bever. 1965. The
psychological reality of linguistic segments. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal
Behavior 4(5). 414–420.
Fried, Mirjam. 2009. Construction
Grammar as a tool for diachronic analysis. Constructions and
Frames 1(2). 262–291.
Gaeta, Livio. 2015. Lexeme
formation in a conscious approach to the lexicon. In Laurie Bauer, Lívia Körtvélyessy & Pavol Štekauer (eds.), Semantics
of complex
words, 115–140. Heidelberg: Springer.
Gaeta, Livio & Davide Ricca. 2009. Composita
solvantur: Compounds as lexical units or morphological objects? Rivista di
Linguistica 21(1). 35–70.
Givón, Talmy. 1976. Topic,
pronoun and grammatical agreement. In Charles Li (ed.), Subject
and topic, 151–188. New York: Academic Press.
Goldberg, Adele E. 1995. Constructions: A construction grammar
approach to argument structure. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
2003. Constructions: A new theoretical
approach to language. Trends in cognitive
sciences 7(5). 219–224.
Haspelmath, Martin. 2001. Non-canonical
marking of core arguments in European languages. In Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald, Robert Malcolm Ward Dixon & Masayuki Onishi (eds.), Non-canonical
marking of subjects and
objects, 53–83. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
. 2019. What
is the difference between a clause and a sentence? Available at [URL] (last
access 24 August
2022).
Hilpert, Martin. 2013. Constructional
change in English: Developments in allomorphy, word formation, and
syntax. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Huddleston, Rodney & Geoffrey K. Pullum. 2002. The
Cambridge grammar of the English
language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Hundt, Marianne, Nadja Nesselhauf & Carolin Biewer. 2007. Corpus
linguistics and the
web. Leiden: Brill.
Izre’el, Shlomo. 2002. le-tahalixey ha-hit’havut šel ha-ʕivrit be-Israel (The
emergence of Spoken Israeli Hebrew). In Shlomo Izre’el & Margalit Mendelson (eds.), medabrim ʕivrit: le-xeker ha-lašon ha-meduberet ve-ha-šonut ha-lešonit be-Israel (Speaking Hebrew: Studies in the spoken language and in linguistic variation in
Israel), 217–238. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University Press. [in
Hebrew].
. 2012. mispax o mišpat ― le-mivne ha-mišpat ba-ʕivrit ha-meduberet (Hebrew sentence structure: Old habits die hard). In Malka Muchnik & Tsvi Sadan (eds.), mexkarim be-ʕivrit u-ve-lešonot ha-yehudim lixvod Ora Schwarzwald (Studies in Hebrew and in Jewish languages in honor of Ora
Schwarzwald), 399–416. Jerusalm: Carmel. [in
Hebrew].
Janda, Laura A. & Dagmar Divjak. 2015. The
role of non-canonical subjects in the overall grammar of a language: A case study of
Russian. In Marja-Liisa Helasvuo & Tuomas Huumo (eds.), Subjects
in constructions – Canonical and
non-canonical, 293–318. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ježek, Elisabetta & Paolo Ramat. 2009. On
parts-of-speech transcategorization. Folia
Linguistica 43(2). 391–416.
Jing-Schmidt, Zhuo. 2007. Negativity
bias in language: A cognitive affective model of emotive intensifiers. Cognitive
Linguistics 18(3). 417–443.
Johnson, Neal F. 1965. The psychological reality of
phrase-structure rules. Journal of Verbal Learning and Verbal
Behavior 4(6). 469–475.
Kilgarriff, Adam, Vít Baisa, Jan Bušta, Miloš Jakubíček, Vojtěch Kovář, Jan Michelfeit, Pavel Rychlý & Vít Suchomel. 2014. The
Sketch Engine: Ten years
on. Lexicography 1(1). 7–36.
Kuno, Susumu. 1972. Functional
sentence perspective: A case study from Japanese and English. Linguistic
Inquiry 3(3). 269–320.
Kuroda, Sige-Yuki. 1972. The
categorical and the thetic Judgment: Evidence from Japanese syntax. Foundations of
Language 9(2). 153–185.
Kuzar, Ron. 1989. mivne ha-meser šel ha-mišpat ba-ʕivrit ha-isre’elit (Message
structure of the sentence in Israeli
Hebrew) Jerusalem: the Hebrew University in Jerusalem PhD dissertation [in Hebrew].
. 1992. ha-x.g.m – xelek diber o ʕemda taxbirit? (The Nominal
Impersonal: A part of speech or a syntactic construction?). Lĕšonénu: A Journal for the Study of
the Hebrew Language and Cognate
Subjects 56(3). 241–248. [in
Hebrew].
. 2002. tavnit ha-x.g.m ha-pšuta ba-lašon ha-meyuceget ke-meduberet (The simple impersonal construction in spoken-like langauge). In Shlomo Izre’el & Margalit Mendelson (eds.), medabrim ʕivrit: le-xeker ha-lašon ha-meduberet ve-ha-šonut ha-lešonit be-Israel (Speaking Hebrew: Studies in the spoken language and in linguistic variation in
Israel), 329–352. Tel Aviv: Tel Aviv University. [in
Hebrew].
. 2006a. tavnit mišpat ha-kiyum ke-toremet le-mašma’ut ha-kiyum (The
contribution of the pattern of the existential sentence to existential
meaning). In Aaron Maman & Steven Ellis Fassberg (eds.), mexkarim be-lašon (Language
studies), 101–112. Jerusalem: The Hebrew University. [in Hebrew].
. 2006b. digmei ha-mišpat šel ha-ʕivrit ha-isre’elit al-pi Rosén: ʕiyun bikorti ve-hacaʕot
tikun (Sentence patterns of Israeli Hebrew according to Rosén: A critical
review and a corrected model). Ha-ʕivrit ve-axyoteha (Hebrew and its
sisters) 6–71. 269–294. [in
Hebrew].
. 2012. Sentence
patterns in English and Hebrew. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Lambrecht, Knud. 1994. Information
structure and sentence form: Topic, focus, and the mental representations of discourse
referents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
. 2000. When
subjects behave like objects: An analysis of the merging of S and O in Sentence-Focus constructions across
languages. Studies in
Language 24(3). 611–682.
Lambrecht, Knud & Maria Polinsky. 1997. Typological
variation in Sentence-Focus constructions. In Kora Singer, Randall Eggert & Gregory Anderson (eds.), Proceedings
from the Panels of the 33rd Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic
Society, 189–206. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Langacker, Ronald W. 1987. Foundations of cognitive
grammar. Vol I1. Theoretical
prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
1991. Foundations of cognitive
grammar. Vol II1. Descriptive
application. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Lipka, Leonhard. 1992. An
outline of English lexicology: Lexical structure, word semantics, and
word-formation. Tübingen: Walter de Gruyter.
Maschler, Yael. 2018. The
on-line emergence of Hebrew insubordinate she (‘that/which/who’) clauses. Studies in
Language 42(3). 669–707.
Meibauer, Jörg. 2007. How
marginal are phrasal compounds? Generalized insertion, expressivity, and
I/Q-interaction. Morphology 17(2). 233–259.
Melnik, Nurit. 2002. Verb-initial
constructions in Modern
Hebrew. Berkeley: University of California at Berkeley PhD dissertation.
. 2006. A
constructional approach to verb-initial constructions in Modern Hebrew. Cognitive
Linguistics 17(2). 153–198.
Mithun, Marianne. 2006. Polysynthesis
in the Arctic. In Marc-Antoine Mahieu & Nicole Tersis (eds.), Variations
on polysynthesis: The Eskaleut
languages, 3–17. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Mithun, Marriane. 2014. Syntactic
and prosodic structures: Segmentation, integration, and in
between. In Tommaso Raso & Heliana Mello (eds.), Spoken
corpora and linguistics
studies, 297–330. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Mithun, Marianne. 2020. Grammaticalization
and polysynthesis: Iroquoian. In Walter Bisang and Andrej Malchukov (eds.), Grammaticalization
Scenarios from Africa, the Americas, and the
Pacific, Vol. II1, 943–976. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Mor, Uri & Na’ama Pat-El. 2016. The
development of predicates with prepositional subjects in Hebrew. Journal of Semitic
Studies 61(2). 327–346.
Noël, Dirk. 2016. For
a radically usage-based diachronic construction grammar. Belgian Journal of
Linguistics 30(1). 39–53.
Ovid. 1998. Metamorphoses (trans. Melville, A. D.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Original work published 8 AD].
Pat-El, Na’ama. 2018. The
diachrony of non-canonical subjects in Northwest Semitic. In Jóhanna Barðdal, Na’ama Pat-El & Stephen M. Carey (eds.), Non-canonically
case-marked subjects: The Reykjavík-Eyjafjallajökull
papers, 159–184. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ramat, Paolo & Davide Ricca. 1998. Sentence
adverbs in the languages of Europe. In Johan van der Auwera & Dónall P. Ó. Baoill (eds.), Adverbial
constructions in the languages of
Europe, 187–273. Berlin: De Gruyter Mouton.
Rosenthal, Ruvik. 2005/2018. milon ha-slang ha-makif (The comprehensive dictionary of Israeli
slang). Jerusalem: Keter Books. [in Hebrew].
Rubinstein, Eliezer. 1968. ha-mišpat ha-šemani: ʕiyunim be-taxbir yamenu (The nominal sentence:
A study in the syntax of contemporary Hebrew). Tel Aviv: HaKibbutz HaMeuchad. [in
Hebrew].
Sommerer, Lotte, Spike Gildea, Jóhanna Barðdal & Elena Smirnova. 2015. Diachronic
construction grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Stern, Naftali. 1983. x.g.m. u-dmuy poʕal + šem poʕal ba-ʕivrit ha-isre’elit (Impersonals (x.g.m) and verboids + infinitives in Israeli Hebrew). Lĕšonénu: A Journal for the
Study of the Hebrew Language and Cognate
Subjects 47(3–4). 248–263. [in
Hebrew].
Titone, Debra A. & Cynthia M. Connine. 1994. Descriptive
norms for 171 idiomatic expressions: Familiarity, compositionality, predictability, and
literality. Metaphor and Symbolic
Activity 9(4). 247–270.
Traugott, Elizabeth Closs. 2003. Constructions in
grammaticalization. In Brian D. Joseph & Richard D. Janda (eds.), The
handbook of historical
linguistics, 624–647. Malden: Blackwell.
Traugott, Elizabeth Closs & Graeme Trousdale. 2013. Constructionalization
and constructional changes. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
van den Eynde, Karel. 1995. Methodological
reflections on descriptive linguistics. Knud Togeby’s principles and the Pronominal
Approach. In Lene Schøsler & Mary Talbot (eds.), Studies
in
valency. Vol. I1, 111–130. Odense: Odense University Press.
van den Eynde, Karel, Sabine Kirchmeier-Andersen, Piet Mertens & Lene Schøsler. 2002. Distributional
syntactic analysis and valency: Basic notions, procedures, and applications of the Pronominal
Approach. In Stephen M. Johnson & Bruce E. Nevin (eds.), The
legacy of Zellig Harris: Language and information into the 21st
century, Vol. II1, 163–202. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Vilkuna, Maria. 1989. Free
word order in Finnish: Its syntax and discourse
functions. Helsinki: Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura.
Wexler, Paul. 1990. The
schizoid nature of Modern Hebrew: A Slavic language in search of a Semitic
past. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz.
Wierzbicka, Anna. 1988. The
semantics of grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Cited by (2)
Cited by two other publications
Becker, Israela & Mira Ariel
2025. Scaffolding the sentential Ultimate construction into a word. Constructions and Frames 17:1 ► pp. 92 ff.
This list is based on CrossRef data as of 2 december 2025. Please note that it may not be complete. Sources presented here have been supplied by the respective publishers. Any errors therein should be reported to them.
