Scandinavian umlaut and contrastive feature hierarchies
Published online: 28 September 2017
https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.2.03sch
https://doi.org/10.1075/nowele.70.2.03sch
Abstract
With the application of the Contrastive Hierarchy Theory, the contrastive features of preliterary Scandinavian vowels are here inferred
from the interaction between targets and triggers for metaphonic fronting, rounding and breaking. One Proto-Scandinavian feature hierarchy
is reconstructed for prominent syllables and another for non-prominent ones. The former hierarchy sustained contrasts that differed from the
latter, including contrast for rounding and a preserved distinction between Pre-Germanic */i/ and */e/. A prominence system is reconstructed
that predicts both the outcome of syncope and the distribution of the two vowel systems between syllables. The analysis neatly accounts for
many notorious cruxes of umlaut and breaking that correlate with the prosodic position of the trigger, including the frequent absence of
i-umlaut in light syllables.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 1.1On aims, data and source languages and their periodisation
- 1.2Conventions of presentation
- 1.3The main stressed foot and the contrastive hierarchy theory
- 1.4Progression of presentation
- 2.Main findings
- 3.On diachronic methodology, prosodic theory and the chronology of syncope
- 3.1Metrics, syllabification and prosodic constraints
- 3.2On the Inalterability of Proper Features Constraint (IPFC) and issues of phonologisation
- 3.3Periodisation of TSc and ASc, sonority of vowels and the sequencing of their syncopation
- 4.Rounding umlaut and breaking
- 4.1The alterability of descendants of PlGmc */ɛ/ by rounding umlaut
- 4.1.1Main theses
- 4.1.2Data and discussion
- 4.1.2.1The chronology of u-umlaut
- 4.1.2.2The chronology of w-umlaut
- 4.2The alterability of *ȇ by primary and secondary rounding umlaut
- 4.2.1Main theses
- 4.2.2On jo-breaking and ja-breaking
- 4.2.3On segmentation
- 4.2.4The metrical position of the trigger vowel
- 4.3Rounding umlaut combined with breaking of PSc *ȋ
- 4.3.1Main thesis
- 4.3.2Data and discussion
- 4.4Breaking by back umlaut and its conditional segmentation
- 4.4.1The feature of the target for back umlaut
- 4.4.1.1Main theses
- 4.4.1.2Data and discussion
- 4.4.2Geographical variation in breaking triggered from within the main foot
- 4.4.1The feature of the target for back umlaut
- 4.5The inalterability of descendants of PlGmc */i/ by umlaut
- 4.5.1Main theses
- 4.5.2Data and discussion
- 4.6Interim conclusions and predictions
- 4.1The alterability of descendants of PlGmc */ɛ/ by rounding umlaut
- 5.Front umlaut
- 5.1Introduction to the problem
- 5.2Probing the first prediction from subsection 4.6
- 5.2.1Main theses
- 5.2.2Data and discussion
- 6.From Proto-Scandinavian to Old Scandinavian
- 6.1Theoretical interlude on metrical parsing and prominence assignment
- 6.2From Proto-Scandinavian to Post-Proto-Scandinavian
- 6.2.1Chronological statements
- 6.2.2On irregularities in a-breaking
- 6.2.3Trigger change due to reassignment of prominence
- 6.2.4On r-breaking
- 6.3From Post-Proto-Scandinavian to Early Transitional Scandinavian
- 6.3.1Chronological statements
- 6.3.2First phonologisation caused by syncope
- 6.4From Early Transitional Scandinavian to Late Transitional Scandinavian
- 6.4.1Chronological statements
- 6.4.2On relayed remote double umlaut
- 6.4.3Phonologisation of front umlaut
- 6.5From Late Transitional Scandinavian to Late Ancient Scandinavian
- 6.5.1Chronological statements
- 6.5.2The genesis of Ancient Scandinavian
- 6.6Overtures beyond Ancient Scandinavian
- 7.Concluding remarks
- Notes
Acronyms and abbreviations Other references
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