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Article published In: Linguistic Variation
Vol. 25:2 (2025) ► pp.375–416

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Predicate nominals in Tshila

ORCiD logo with link | Stony Brook University
Published online: 24 February 2025
DOI logo with link
https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.24036.sto
Abstract
Tshila /tshílà/ is a Kalahari Khoe language spoken in central-southeastern Botswana by approximately 300 people (Schwab, André & Collins, Chris. 2024. Classification of Tshila. Conference talk. ACAL 55. Montréal, QC.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar). It is an SOV language. Tshila has a copular predicate nominal construction with the word order [Noun Noun COP]. The nouns in this language can vary in size according to factors such as the projection of phi-feature morphology and the presence of constituent negation and focus. Also possible in Tshila is predicate inversion. The interaction of the size of the DPs along with the presence of inversion shows interesting constraints on nominative Case assignment and phi-agreement. The analysis of this construction supports a universal hierarchy of phi-features (Harley, Heidi & Ritter, Elizabeth. 2002. Person and number in pronouns: A feature-geometric analysis. Language 78(3), 482–526. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar; Béjar, Susana. 2003. Phi-syntax: A theory of agreement. Doctoral dissertation. University of Toronto.), not only within nominals but also on phi-probes. This analysis unifies Case assignment and phi-agreement as a single operation (. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In Martin, Rogers & Michaels, David & Uriagereka, Juan (eds.) Step by Step, 89–155. MIT Press. Cambridge, MA.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar; . 2001. Derivation by phase. Ken Hale: A Life in Linguistics, 1–52. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar; Platzack, Christer. 2006. Case as Agree marker. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 771. 71–99.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar; Legate, Julie Anne. 2008. Morphological and abstract case. Linguistic Inquiry 39(1), 55–101. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar; Georgi, Doreen. 2017. Patterns of Movement Reflexes as the Result of the Order of Merge and Agree. Linguistic Inquiry 48(4), 585–626. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar), which supports the view that Case assignment is not postsyntactic.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.PGN markers in Tshila
    • 2.1Interaction with Case
    • 2.2PGN markers as the projection of phi-features
    • 2.3Feature-deficient nominals
    • 2.4Testing the predictions: Concord agreement
  • 3.Predicate nominal inversion
    • 3.1The distribution of nominative Case
    • 3.2Predicate inversion
  • 4.Two goals, one probe
    • 4.1Agreement in action
    • 4.2Agreeing into inversion
    • 4.3A note on closeness
  • 5.Blocked phi-goals: Constituent negation and focus
  • 6.Conclusion
  • Acknowledgments
  • Notes
  • References
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