Article published In: Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area
Vol. 45:1 (2022) ► pp.72–92
Nasal transfer in Hmongic
Published online: 2 June 2022
https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21005.tag
https://doi.org/10.1075/ltba.21005.tag
Abstract
Hmongic languages exhibit a single nasal coda -ŋ corresponding to three codas in Mienic: -m, n, -ŋ, which suggests that Hmongic languages have lost place distinctions in nasal codas. However, in some words, Hmongic syllables with a nasal coda -ŋ correspond to Mienic syllables with no nasal coda, which has been recognized as posing a problem in reconstructing Proto-Hmong-Mien. This paper provides an explanation for this exceptional correspondence by hypothesizing a phonological change in Proto-Hmongic and in later stages whereby nasality transfers from a syllable-initial nasal to a tautosyllabic coda. This paper also explores the Proto-Hmongic rime categories to which the relevant words would be expected to belong if the nasal transfer did not apply.
Keywords: Hmong-Mien, nasal transfer, nasal coda
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 1.1Haudricourt’s puzzle
- 1.2Possible hypotheses
- 1.3Unbalanced distribution of nasal coda
- 2.When NT occurs at the stage of PH
- 2.1Merger with an original nasal-ending rime
- 2.2“Expected” rime
- 3.Cases where later application of NT yields new patterns of correspondence
- 3.1Rimes 23 and 25
- 3.2The Issue of Rime 11
- 3.3day and ask
- 3.4The Issue of Rime 27
- 4.Why are there two types of NT application?
- 5.Summary
- Notes
References
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