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Article published In: Language Problems and Language Planning
Vol. 48:3 (2024) ► pp.262–291

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Language and the demand for self-determination

ORCiD logo with link | University of Maryland, College Park
Published online: 13 March 2025
DOI logo with link
https://doi.org/10.1075/lplp.24003.der
Abstract
Language restrictions frequently elicit strong reactions from minority groups. What explains variations in responses to these linguistic policies? Contrary to the expectations of governments that employ restrictive, assimilationist language policies, I find that more severe restrictions on language tend to increase minority demands for self-determination rather than cultivate national unity. Using data from the All Minorities at Risk data set (Birnir, J. K., Laitin, D. D., Wilkenfeld, J., Waguespack, D. M., Hultquist, A. S., & Gurr, T. R. (2018). Introducing the amar (all minorities at risk) data. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 62(1), 203–226. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar), I find support for language’s theorized relationship with self-determination demands. The relationship between restrictions and self-determination demands does not appear in the context of religion, underscoring the particular role that language and language restrictions play.
Résumé
Les restrictions linguistiques suscitent souvent de vives réactions de la part des groupes minoritaires. Qu’est-ce qui explique les variations dans les réactions à ces politiques linguistiques ? Contrairement aux attentes des gouvernements qui emploient des politiques linguistiques restrictives et assimilationnistes, je constate que des restrictions linguistiques plus sévères ont tendance à accroître les demandes d’autodétermination des minorités plutôt qu’à cultiver l’unité nationale. En utilisant les données de l’ensemble de données All Minorities at Risk (Birnir, J. K., Laitin, D. D., Wilkenfeld, J., Waguespack, D. M., Hultquist, A. S., & Gurr, T. R. (2018). Introducing the amar (all minorities at risk) data. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 62(1), 203–226. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar), je trouve un soutien pour la relation théorisée de la langue avec les demandes d’autodétermination. La relation entre les restrictions et les demandes d’autodétermination n’apparaît pas dans le contexte de la religion, ce qui souligne le rôle particulier que jouent la langue et les restrictions linguistiques.
Resumo
Lingvolimigoj ofte elvokas fortajn reagojn flanke de minoritataj grupoj. Kiel klarigi variojn en la respondojn al tiuj lingvaj politikoj? Male al la atendoj de registaroj kiuj utiligas limigajn asimilistajn lingvajn politikojn, mi konstatas, ke pli severaj limigoj al lingvouzado emas ne kultivi nacian unecon sed plifortigi postulojn de minoritatoj pri memdeterminado. Utiligante datenojn el la datenaro All Minorities at Risk (Ĉiuj Minoritatoj Minacataj: Birnir, J. K., Laitin, D. D., Wilkenfeld, J., Waguespack, D. M., Hultquist, A. S., & Gurr, T. R. (2018). Introducing the amar (all minorities at risk) data. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 62(1), 203–226. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar), mi trovas konfirmojn pri la teoriigita rilato de lingvoj kun postuloj pri memdetermino. La rilato inter limigoj unuflanke kaj postuloj de memderminado aliflanke ne aperas en la religia kunteksto — kio substrekas la apartan rolon kiun ludas lingvoj kaj lingvolimigoj.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Literature review
  • 3.Theoretical framework
    • 3.1Establishing a baseline for comparison
  • 4.Data
  • 5.Empirical approach
  • 6.Results
  • 7.Discussion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Disclosure statement
  • Notes
  • References
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