Article published In: Lingvisticæ Investigationes
Vol. 30:2 (2007) ► pp.181–216
Negative Polarity and Scalar Semantics in Spanish
Published online: 7 March 2008
https://doi.org/10.1075/li.30.2.03ara
https://doi.org/10.1075/li.30.2.03ara
Licensing of NPIs in Spanish varies depending on the semantics of the trigger. Nonveridical operators license n-words, and antiveridical operators license ni-minimizers. I argue that the NPIs that can occur in antiveridical contexts have a scalar presupposition, but those that are licensed in strictly nonveridical contexts are non-scalar. In this analysis, n-words are scalar (incorporating a silent ni ‘even’) in the scope of antiveridical operators. The distinction between scalar and non-scalar NPIs, I suggest, is the reason for the diversity of polarity sensitivity phenomena in Spanish, as well as in other languages.
Cited by (3)
Cited by three other publications
TUBAU, SUSAGNA, URTZI ETXEBERRIA & M. TERESA ESPINAL
Mendia, Jon Ander
Bravo, Ana
2017. Rhetorical imperatives. In Imperatives and Directive Strategies [Studies in Language Companion Series, 184], ► pp. 79 ff.
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