In:Sonic Signatures: Studies dedicated to John Harris
Edited by Geoff Lindsey and Andrew Nevins
[Language Faculty and Beyond 14] 2017
► pp. 163–188
Asymmetric variation
Miklós Törkenczy | Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest & Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
Published online: 30 November 2017
https://doi.org/10.1075/lfab.14.c10
https://doi.org/10.1075/lfab.14.c10
The free combination of independent phonological events is (implicitly) assumed by and built into the mechanisms of phonological models. Phonological variation occurring in independent dimensions applies orthogonally. In the possessive paradigms of Hungarian nouns this fails to apply. Suffixes may vary according to front/back harmony and being yod-initial, so we expect four variants for stems that vary in both dimensions. All four are attested if the suffix vowel is high: hotɛl-jyk%juk%yk%uk ‘their hotel’, but one allomorph is systematically missing if the suffix vowel is low: hotɛl-jɛ%jɑ%ɛ, *hotɛl-ɑ ‘his/her hotel’. We explain the gap by constraints requiring the uniformity of harmonic suffix behaviour, the quality of suffix-initial vowels, and the syllabic affiliation of stem-final consonants within the paradigm.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Variation in yodfulness
- 2.1Lowering and variation
- 2.2Recent loans and variation
- 3.Variation in backness harmony
- 4.The orthogonality of (variation in) harmony and yodfulness
- 5.The problem: The Y-suffixes of Bɛ stems
- 6.Analysis
- 7.Conclusion
Acknowledgements Notes References
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