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Article published In: Language and Linguistics
Vol. 23:2 (2022) ► pp.212–239

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From transitive to intransitive and voiceless to voiced in Proto-Sino-Tibetan

New evidence from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs

 | Nankai University
 | Nazarbayev University
 | Trinity College Dublin
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Available under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) 4.0 license.

For any use beyond this license, please contact the publisher at rights@benjamins.nl.

Published online: 29 April 2022
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https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00104.gat
Abstract
This paper offers new evidence from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs to address the question of directionality in valency-changing derivations in Sino-Tibetan. Examining Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs causative and anticausative verb stem pairs adds to the evidence that in Proto-Sino-Tibetan, a number of intransitive stems are derived from transitive stems, in some cases as the result of *N‑ prefixation, and in other cases from voicing alternation independent of *N‑ prefixation. In addition, the proto-sigmatic prefix (*s-) does not cause devoicing in Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs, but rather often undergoes voicing assimilation, and has more than just a causativization function. Furthermore, by looking at Gyalrong, Minyag, Tangut, Middle Chinese, and Old Chinese we emphasize that there is no synchronic evidence to support devoicing induced by *s‑, nor is there historical evidence to support the claim that *s‑ caused devoicing in Proto-Gyalrongic, or even at genetically deeper stages.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
    • 1.1Goal and structure of the paper
    • 1.2A brief introduction to Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs
      • 1.2.1Introduction to Stau
      • 1.2.2Introduction to Geshiza
      • 1.2.3Introduction to Khroskyabs
  • 2.Anticausativization derived by voicing alternation
    • 2.1Anticausativization in Stau
    • 2.2Anticausativization in Geshiza
    • 2.3Anticausativization in Khroskyabs
  • 3.The s‑ prefix in Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs
    • 3.1s‑ prefix: Stau and Geshiza
    • 3.2s‑ prefix: Khroskyabs
  • 4.Non-causative functions of the *s‑ prefix
  • 5.Diachronic implications
    • 5.1Introduction to the question of directionality of valency-changing derivations in Sino-Tibetan studies
    • 5.2Evidence in favor of transitive to intransitive derivation from Stau, Geshiza, and Khroskyabs
      • 5.2.1Aspiration contrast neutralization by voicing
      • 5.2.2The sigmatic prefix does not cause devoicing
      • 5.2.3Preinitial *N‑ probably existed in Khroskyabs
    • 5.3Corraborating evidence from other languages
      • 5.3.1Japhug Gyalrong
      • 5.3.2Minyag
      • 5.3.3Middle and Old Chinese
      • 5.3.4Tangut
  • 6.Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • Abbreviations
  • References
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