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Article published In: Language and Linguistics
Vol. 22:3 (2021) ► pp.475–512

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現代台灣客語與「分佢」相關的致使結構之語法和語意特點

 | National Tsing Hua University
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Available under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY) 4.0 license.

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Article language: Chinese

Published online: 11 May 2021
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https://doi.org/10.1075/lali.00089.yeh
抽象的
從現代台灣地區客語出發，佐以巴色會客語和跨漢語方言中關於雙及物結構的考察，本文討論客語中由「分佢」和結果式動補（V-R）結構互動所產生的致使結構，並聚焦於「分佢」出現在V和R之中和之後的例子。本文主要觀點如下：第一，「分佢」句式表達言者主觀性，凸顯說話者的意志，但此特點不是因為「我者」視角，而是來自於構式本身；第二，「分佢」句式的複句性質仍然存在，但在語法化的路徑上，整個構式逐漸演變成單子句結構，其中的關鍵在於「佢」的指稱限制降低，經歷了「單數指稱>兼具單數、複數指稱>複數指稱>泛稱>無指稱」等演變階段，這造成了主語的泛化，帶動句式的整體變化，而隨著使用頻率的提高，「分佢」甚至合音成bi2，演變成單一的語法標記，單子句的性質益發明顯；第三，「分佢」致使結構不是構詞型，而是分析型；第四，「分佢」在這些結構中的句法位置和雙賓A和B式中接收者的位置有關，非因語意冗贅而產生的自由變換、非取決於R的語義指向、也非源自於雙及物結構中的介賓補語式和複合詞式中「分+賓語」的位置。
On the syntactic and semantic characteristics of the bun1gi5-related causative constructions in modern Taiwanese Hakka
Through the investigation of the data gleaned from modern Taiwanese Hakka, this paper explores the causative constructions consisting of bun1gi5 and the V(erb)-R(esultative) construction. We focus specifically on the cases where bun1gi5 occurs in between and after the V-R construction. Our major findings are as follows. First, the bun1gi5 causative constructions express subjectivity and profile speaker’s volition. Such interpretations are part of the constructional semantics and have nothing to do with the implicit ‘self’ voice. Second, the bun1gi5 causative constructions are bi-clausal in nature, although it also allows a mono-clausal analysis in some cases. The key, we suggest, lies in the referentiality of gi5, which has gone through the following stages: singular > singular/plural > plural > generic > non-referential. This results in generalization of subjects. With the increased frequency of use, bun1gi5 further undergoes phonological fusion and comes to be processed as a single grammatical marker, which tightens clausal integration and hence makes these constructions mono-clausal. Third, these bun1gi5 constructions are not morphological causatives, but are analytic causatives. Fourth, the word order of bun1gi5 in the V-R construction is determined by the word order of the recipient in the double object construction headed by the general-purpose verb of giving bun1 in Taiwanese Hakka and does not correlate with the free alternation due to semantic redundancy, the semantic host of R, or the positions of bun1+object in the dative construction and the Vbun1DO construction. Such a proposal is advanced based on our examination of give-type ditransitive constructions in early Hakka texts and on the cross-dialectal observations of the ditransitive constructions in Chinese dialects made in the literature.
Article outline
  • 1.前言
  • 2.基本分類
  • 3.文獻回顧
    • 3.1「分佢」句式的語意特點
    • 3.2「分佢」的功能
    • 3.3如何決定「分佢」出現的位置？
      • 3.3.1語義指向說
      • 3.3.2語義重疊說
      • 3.3.3雙賓結構說
      • 3.3.4小結
  • 4.客語的「分佢」構式
    • 4.1「佢」的指稱
    • 4.2「分佢」句式的句法和語意特點
      • 4.2.1「V+分佢+R」的言者主觀性
      • 4.2.2「V+分佢+R」為分析型致使結構
    • 4.3決定「分佢」句法分布之因素
  • 5.結論
  • 謝辭
  • 笔记
  • 縮寫對照表
  • 參考文獻
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