In:Footprints of Phrase Structure: Studies in syntax in honour of Tim Stowell
Edited by María J. Arche, Jan-Wouter Zwart, Hamida Demirdache and Hagit Borer
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 288] 2025
► pp. 142–169
Binding conditions and point of view
Published online: 2 October 2025
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.288.08spo
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.288.08spo
Abstract
I first show a set of binding problems noted in Heim
(1994) and treated in Heim (1994) or Sharvit (2011) appealing to intermediate de se read binders, is neither
necessary nor sufficient. To solve these puzzles, I capitalize on the proposal that the Binding Conditions A and B
should be relativized: the semantic covaluation they require (or prohibit) must (resp. can’t) hold in the same
world(s), that is for (a) particular thinker(s) /attitude holder(s) whose point of view is adopted. Thus, by using a
reflexive or a pronoun, a speaker encodes that in their local binding domains, reflexives whether plain or exempt must
be locally covalued for these thinkers (in their modal worlds), and pronouns can’t be locally covalued for these
thinkers. Such a thinker can be the speaker of the utterance, or a logophoric center whose point of view is adopted to
convey attitude content.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Heim’s 1994 puzzling reflexive pronouns in de se
reports
- 2.1The Heim/Sharvit proposal
- 2.2Intermediate de se not necessary: Generalizing Heim (1994), Sharvit (2011)
- 2.2.1Inanimate cases
- 2.2.2De re cases
- 2.3Intermediate de se binders not sufficient: De se non de re cases
- 2.4Conclusion
- 3.Binding theory
- 3.1How to satisfy conditions A and B
- 3.2Formulating the binding conditions
- 3.3Detecting logophoric contexts
- 4.Back to the initial puzzles
- 5.Conclusion
Acknowledgements Notes References
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