In:Romance Interrogative Syntax: Formal and typological dimensions of variation
Caterina Bonan
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 266] 2021
► pp. vii–x
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Published online: 17 March 2021
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.266.toc
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.266.toc
Table of contents
Acknowledgements
xi
Conventions
xiii
Abbreviations
xiii
Projections (and X′-related notations)
xiv
Introduction
1
1.Interrogative wh-movement
4
2.Venetan and novel data from Trevisan
9
2.1The interrogative syntax of Trevisan
10
2.2Problems, questions, and preliminary answers
16
3.Central claims of the book
18
Chapter 1.Wh-in situ in Northern Italian dialects
23
1.1Single wh-in situ
28
1.1.1Wh-in situ in matrix questions
29
1.1.2Wh-in situ in embedded questions
30
1.1.2.1Long-distance construals
30
1.1.2.2Wh-in situ in indirect questions
32
1.2Different patterns of wh-doubling
34
1.2.1Configuration A: Fronted clitic wh-pronoun
35
1.2.1.1Matrix wh-questions
35
1.2.1.2Embedded wh-questions
36
1.2.2Configuration B: Fronted non-clitic wh-pronoun
37
1.2.2.1Matrix wh-questions
37
1.2.2.2Embedded wh-questions
38
1.2.3Configuration C: Fronted invariable wh-operator
39
1.2.3.1Matrix wh-questions
39
1.2.4Regularities in the distribution of wh-doubling
40
1.3Wh-in situ-related patterns in Northern Italian dialects
44
1.3.1Distribution of subject-clitic inversion
44
1.3.2Distribution of Wh-phrases
46
1.3.2.1Wh-in situ: The Bellunese type
47
1.3.2.2Wh-in situ: The Trevisan and Lombard types
50
1.4Intermediate remarks
51
Chapter 2.On short movement of clause-internal wh-elements:
Wh-to-Foc
55
2.1Characterising Wh-to-Foc
62
2.1.1Free subject inversion and the pro-drop
parameter
62
2.1.2Are clause-internal wh-elements moved?
65
2.1.3Which spec is targeted by clause-internally moved
wh-elements?
69
2.2Checking C in the presence of Wh-to-Foc: Preliminary
investigation
72
2.2.1On [wh]- and [q]-features
73
2.2.2On bipartite wh-words
75
2.2.2.1On the illegitimacy of an extension of interrogative ClPs to
all Northern Italian dialects
77
2.2.3The grammar of Q and its consequences for optional wh-in
situ
79
2.2.3.1 Cable’s (2010) ‘Grammar of Q’
80
2.2.3.2Extending the theory of Q to Trevisan wh-fronting
83
2.2.3.3Legitimacy of sub-extraction out of frozen
wh-elements
86
2.3Intermediate remarks
88
Chapter 3.
Wh-to-Foc is focus-driven
91
3.1A typologically interesting type between full moving and in situ
languages
93
3.1.1Malayalam
93
3.1.2Bangla and Hindi-Urdu
95
3.1.3Bantu languages
97
3.1.4Greek (multiple wh-questions)
102
3.1.5Persian
106
3.2The short movement of clause-internal wh-elements is
focus-movement
108
3.2.1 Kahnemuyipour’s (2001) work on Persian focus-movement
108
3.2.1.1Arguments in favour of focus movement
111
3.2.1.2Arguments in favour of movement to
specvP
112
3.2.2The role of [foc] in Trevisan fake wh-in situ
115
3.2.2.1The parallelism between contrastive focus and
clause-internally moved wh-elements
115
3.2.2.2Trevisan wh-in situ and the roles of [foc], [q], and
[wh]
121
3.3Intermediate remarks
126
Chapter 4.More on Trevisan wh-in situ
131
4.1On wh-in situ in indirect wh-questions
134
4.1.1Thoughts on the syntax of se
wh
and
wh-doubling
136
4.1.2Functional elements in the lower Left Periphery
139
4.1.3Se
wh
licenses an interrogative operator in
SpecIntP
142
4.1.4Concluding remarks
145
4.2On wh-in situ within islands
147
4.2.1Trevisan strong islands and the puzzling optionality of
subject-clitic inversion
147
4.2.2Massive pied-piping of strong islands
149
4.2.2.1Application to Trevisan strong islands
150
4.2.3Wh-phrases are bare within strong islands, but not within weak
islands
153
4.2.4English limited pied-piping vs Trevisan Tlingit-like
syntax
156
4.2.5Concluding remarks
161
Chapter 5.On the theory of Romance wh-in situ
163
5.1Type-specific analyses: Moving further!
165
5.1.1Left-peripheral fake wh-in situ
166
5.1.1.1Why wh-movement?
168
5.1.1.2When the whole ip moves to the Left
Periphery
170
5.1.2
ip-internal real wh-in situ
175
5.1.2.1Evidence against wh-movement
175
5.1.2.2Northern Italian wh-in situ is real wh-in situ
177
5.1.3The Trevisan data in the theory of Northern Italian wh-in
situ
178
5.2Beyond Northern Italian dialects
183
5.2.1Sentence final (requirement). Or not?
183
5.2.2(Optional) tp-internal wh-movement
185
5.2.3Embedded wh-in situ
187
5.2.3.1Long-distance questions
187
5.2.3.2Indirect questions
188
5.2.4Sensitivity to islands
189
5.2.4.1Contemporary Spoken French
190
5.2.4.2Spanish and Portuguese
192
5.3Features responsible for Northern Italian wh-in situ(s)
195
5.3.1Pure wh-in situ
195
5.3.2Three types of wh-in situ
197
5.3.2.1Mixed pictures of wh-movement and wh-scoping
198
5.3.2.2Variables and types of Northern Italian in situ/ex situ
alternation
202
5.3.3
Wh-to-Foc and the theory of Northern Italian wh-in
situ
204
5.3.3.1Trevisan and similar varieties (type I): qp and
q-adjunction, plus focus movement
204
5.3.3.2Lombard-like varieties (type II): Mixed languages with
different availability of EPP in Foclow
207
5.3.3.3Bellunese (type III): A mixed language with a [wh]-feature in
QembP…or something else?
208
5.4Concluding remarks
212
Conclusions
221
References
237
Index
251
