In:Right Peripheral Fragments: Right dislocation and related phenomena in Romance
Javier Fernández-Sánchez
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 258] 2020
► pp. v–viii
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Published online: 14 February 2020
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.258.toc
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.258.toc
Table of contents
Acknowledgements
Chapter 1.Introduction
1.1Word order and information structure
1.2Dislocations: A structural paradox
1.3Organization of the book
Chapter 2.A tale of two clauses
2.1The biclausal analysis
2.1.1D as a fragment
2.1.2Specifying coordination
2.2Deriving the properties
2.2.1D is internal to the HC
2.2.1.1Theta role
2.2.1.2Case morphology
2.2.1.3Reconstruction into HC
2.2.1.4Island sensitivity
2.2.2D is external to the HC
2.2.2.1A c-command paradox
2.2.2.2No gap
2.2.2.3Movement
2.3Against a D-K structural link
2.3.1RD as a doubling phenomenon
2.3.1.1Right dislocation isn't agreement
2.3.1.2Right dislocation isn't clitic doubling
2.3.2Right dislocation isn't resumption
2.3.3Summary
2.4On extraction from D
2.4.1López (2009) and Villalba (2000)
2.4.2Samek-Lodovici (2015)
2.5Implications for prosody
2.6Concluding remarks
Chapter 3.Previous accounts
3.1D is in situ
3.1.1Right dislocation as LF movement
3.1.2Problems
3.1.2.1Word order in Catalan
3.1.2.2Extraction
3.1.2.3Morphology in Zulu
3.1.2.4Clitic doubling in French and Italian
3.2Peripheral approaches
3.2.1Movement vs base generation
3.2.2Remnant movement
3.3Middle field approaches
3.3.1The low periphery
3.3.1.1A vs Ā-movement
3.3.1.2All focus context
3.4The right roof constraint
3.5Left-right asymmetries
3.5.1Asymmetry 1: Extraction
3.5.2Asymmetry 2: ECP effects in French
3.5.3Asymmetry 3: Aux-to-Comp in Italian
3.5.4Asymmetry 4: Obviation effects
3.5.5Asymmetry 5: Reconstruction and Principle C
3.5.6Asymmetry 6: variable binding
3.5.7Interim summary
3.6D is external to the clause
3.7Summary
Chapter 4.Locality without movement
4.1On movement and ellipsis
4.1.1The (syntactic) licensing of ellipsis
4.1.2Challenges for mada
4.1.3Ellipsis as radical deaccentuation
4.2Islands
4.2.1The Dutch data
4.2.2The Romance data
4.3The Minimal coordination hypothesis
4.3.1Dutch (multiple) extraposition
4.3.2Interim summary
4.3.3The MCH in Romance
4.3.4Where does the MCH derive from?
4.4Multiple dislocations
4.4.1Clause-mate dislocations
4.4.2Dislocation from different clauses
4.4.3Recursive dislocations
4.4.4Wrapping up
4.5D does not move
4.5.1Lack of motivation
4.5.2Scope
4.5.3A note on P-stranding
4.6Conclusion
Chapter 5.Other right peripheral fragments
5.1Introduction
5.1.1The right periphery of the clause
5.1.2A structural paradox
5.1.3The biclausal solution
5.2RD as a (Force-)dependent RPF
5.2.1Two types of RPF
5.2.2RDs vs AT/SQs
5.2.2.1Independent illocutionary force
5.2.2.2Independent propositionality
5.2.2.3RPF across speakers
5.2.2.4Presence of comment clauses
5.2.2.5Sentential adverbs and modal particles
5.2.3A proposal
5.3In situ fragments
5.3.1Islands
5.3.1.1SQs
5.3.1.2ATs
5.3.2Complementizers and sentential RPF
5.3.3Scope
5.3.4Interim summary
5.4Predicative afterthoughts
5.4.1A copular source
5.4.2Properties of D
5.4.2.1PredATs as a Force-independent RPF
5.4.2.2Restrictions
5.4.3Movement of D
5.4.4A brief note on PredNPs
5.5Other right peripheral fragments
5.6Conclusion
Chapter 6.Concluding remarks
References
Index
