In:Right Peripheral Fragments: Right dislocation and related phenomena in Romance
Javier Fernández-Sánchez
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 258] 2020
► pp. 99–144
Chapter 4Locality without movement
Published online: 14 February 2020
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.258.c4
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.258.c4
Article outline
- 4.1On movement and ellipsis
- 4.1.1The (syntactic) licensing of ellipsis
- 4.1.2Challenges for mada
- 4.1.3Ellipsis as radical deaccentuation
- 4.2Islands
- 4.2.1The Dutch data
- 4.2.2The Romance data
- 4.3The minimal coordination hypothesis
- 4.3.1Dutch (multiple) extraposition
- 4.3.2Interim summary
- 4.3.3The MCH in Romance
- 4.3.4Where does the MCH derive from?
- 4.4Multiple dislocations
- 4.4.1Clause-mate dislocations
- 4.4.2Dislocation from different clauses
- 4.4.3Recursive dislocations
- 4.4.4Wrapping up
- 4.5D does not move
- 4.5.1Lack of motivation
- 4.5.2Scope
- 4.5.3A note on P-stranding
- 4.6Conclusion
Notes
