In:Structuring Variation in Romance Linguistics and Beyond: In honour of Leonardo M. Savoia
Edited by Mirko Grimaldi, Rosangela Lai, Ludovico Franco and Benedetta Baldi
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 252] 2018
► pp. 133–148
Chapter 9Negation patterns across dialects
Published online: 19 December 2018
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.252.09pol
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.252.09pol
In this work we consider two opposite sorts of Romance varieties with respect to the negative marker, i.e. an Occitan variety where the preverbal negative marker alone is so much reduced that it can nowadays only occur in some specific syntactic contexts and two Venetan varieties where the preverbal negative marker is so widespread that it even displays strict negative concord. We will show that despite being so different, both types of dialects are sensitive to the modal environment and that the presence of the preverbal negative marker is tied to a subset of non-veridical contexts, i.e. those that contain a [−realis] verbal form.
Keywords: negation, Occitan dialects, Northern Italian dialects, modality
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The data
- 2.1L’Escarène
- 2.1.1Single postverbal marker
- 2.1.2Single preverbal noun
- – imperative clauses
- 2.1.2.2embedded clauses
- 2.1.3Preverbal noun and postverbal marker
- 2.2Venice
- 2.3Zemignana
- 2.1L’Escarène
- 3.Putting the pieces together: Negation and modality
- 4.Conclusion
Notes References
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