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In:Beyond Markedness in Formal Phonology
Edited by Bridget D. Samuels
[Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 241] 2017
► pp. 23–46

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Chapter 2
Contrast is irrelevant in phonology

A simple account of Russian /v/ as /V/

 | Concordia University |
Published online: 16 November 2017
DOI logo with link
https://doi.org/10.1075/la.241.02rei
Abstract
Halle’s (1959) argument against a distinction between morphophonemic and phonemic rules can be understood as an argument against the relevance of contrast to phonology. After adducing further arguments against a role for contrast, the paper provides a simple contrast-free analysis of the classic problem of the voicing behavior of Russian /v/. This segment undergoes voicing assimilation (like other obstruents), but does not trigger it (thus acting like the sonorants). In contrast to a long history of treating /v/ as a covert sonorant, the paper attributes the behavior of Russian /v/, which surfaces always as an obstruent, to underspecification with respect to the feature Voice.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.How Halle (1959) banned contrast
  • 3.Voicing and sonorants
  • 4.Appeals to contrast are opportunistic
  • 5.Russian voicing patterns
    • 5.1Russian final devoicing
    • 5.2Notation
    • 5.3Feature changing final devoicing in two steps
    • 5.4Feature-changing assimilation in two steps
  • 6. ‘Inconsistent’ /v/ is really /V/
    • 6.1/V/ is a target of final devoicing
    • 6.2/V/ is not a trigger of voicing assimilation
    • 6.3/V/ is a target of voicing assimilation
    • 6.4Transmission of voicing via /V/
  • 7.Conclusions
  • Notes
  • References
References (25)
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