Structural dependency and interpretation in Basque nominalized clauses

Within the realm of Basque nominalized clauses formed with the nominalizing suffix -tze, there is a contrast between those of the DP type and Locative Nominalizations, in that typically, only the latter display genuine obligatory control properties. Interestingly, certain DP-nominalization that allow for Number Long Distance Agreement (LDA) with an object within the embedded clause force genuine obligatory control, breaking the otherwise systematic complementary distribution between control and pro/lexical subjects. These data offer an excellent test ground to investigate beyond the identical superficial morphological shape in order to determine the nature of the functional material and, ultimately, the mechanics involved in licensing genuine control. In fact, the existence of several asymmetries suggest that DP-Nominalizations in contexts of Number LDA are more defective in that they lack the [person] feature in C, which is present in regular DP-Nominalizations. On the other hand, several restrictions that block LDA suggest that, contra Laka (2006), the opposition Structural Case/Inherent Case should be maintained in Basque. The consequence is that the Basque data cannot be handled along the lines of the Movement theory of Control proposed in Boeckx et al. (2010).