汉语类指成分的库藏地位及其句法后果

本文从语言库藏类型学的视角，重新审视汉语光杆名词语和类指的关系，指出类指成分的本质属性是凸显内涵、抑制外延；不带任何个体性标记（数形态、定/不定冠词等）的光杆名词语才是表达类指成分最自然的形式，其所表征的类指是一种元指称。本文认为汉语光杆NP就是类指成分，其大量使用，包括自由充当论元，反映了汉语的类指优先特点，隐性限定词或N向D移位的假说无法给出自洽的解释。类指优先语言中的光杆类指NP可以在谓语类型、句法位置和语境的合力下实现两个方向的扩展功能。一是外延浮现，可获有定或无定的个体解读，但仍保留凸显内涵的功能。二是外延被彻底抑制，作为无指成分出现。汉语的类指优先特点表现在许多方面，如在主语、宾语、把字宾语等槽位大量使用凸显内涵的光杆NP，其句法后果有： (1) 众多句法槽位优先采用光杆类指NP； (2) 有丰富的离合词； (3) 有丰富多样的不凸显个体的旁格宾语； (4) 类指成份常常话题化。文章最后进行了跨方言比较，指出在量词显赫的南方方言中由定指量词发展出兼表类指或专表类指的准冠词，形成次生类指。本文认为光杆名词受限是因为部分语言定指范畴高度语法化，压缩了光杆NP的句法功能，根据定指范畴显赫的语言形成的DP理论未必适合光杆名词功能强大的类指优先语言。

In the framework of Linguistic Inventory Typology, the present paper revisits the relationship between bare NPs and genericity, claiming that the fundamental nature of generic terms is to highlight intension and refrain extension of the NP, so it is the pure bare NP without any kind of marking of individuality (number, (in)definiteness, etc.) that constitutes the most natural means to convey genericity, which can be referred to as proto-reference. The paper argues that all bare NPs are generic terms in Mandarin Chinese. They are widely distributed and often freely function as arguments. These facts reflect the characteristic of genericity-preference of Chinese. In this regard, the hypothesis of covert determiner or of N-to-D movement concerning Chinese bare NP may hardly be a convincing account under scrutiny. In a genericity-preferring language, under the combined influence of the predicate type, syntactic position and context, bare generic NPs can be extended semantically in two directions. One is the emergence of Extension, with which the bare NP can be interpreted as an individual element, definite or indefinite, but maintaining the function of highlighting Intension. The other direction is the entire refrain of Extension, with which the bare NP turns to be nonreferential. Genericity-preference of Chinese is exhibited in many respects, e.g., Intension-highlighting bare NPs widely distributed in slots of subject and object or the slot following the patient preposition ba (把). The syntactic consequences of genericity-preference in Chinese include: (1) Many syntactic slots prefer bare generic NPs; (2) There are many ionized verbs containing bound but separatable object morphemes. (3) There are various types of non-patient or oblique objects; (4) generic terms are highly available to be topicalized. Finally, the paper makes a cross-dialectal comparison, indicating that in classifier-mighty southern dialects of Chinese such as Yue and Wu dialects, quasi-articles of genericity are emerging from the definite usage of classifiers, which conveys secondary genericity, a bit different from proto-reference of bare NPs. The paper claims that in some languages refraining of bare NPs from argument positions is due to the high degree of grammaticalization of (in)definiteness, which is so strong as to refrain the syntactic functions of bare NPs. The DP theory, which is mainly based on definiteness-mighty languages, may not be as fitting to genericity-preference languages with strong bare NPs.