In:Complement Clauses in Portuguese: Syntax and acquisition
Edited by Ana Lúcia Santos and Anabela Gonçalves
[Issues in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 17] 2018
► pp. 187–212
(Hyper)-raising in Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish
Interaction between case and agreement
Published online: 16 August 2018
https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.17.06pir
https://doi.org/10.1075/ihll.17.06pir
Brazilian Portuguese and Spanish allow subject NP-raising from non-finite clauses, but both languages also allow referential subjects in existential clauses with finite complement clauses. The latter have been referred to as hyper-raising in BP (Martins & Nunes, 2009) and further-raising in Spanish (Fernández-Salgueiro, 2005, 2008). Both structures have been argued to have a matrix subject in an A-position resulting from A-movement raising from the embedded clause. Whereas BP has been argued to require matrix subject-verb agreement, differently from Spanish, we show that there is more variation in this respect. We compare these structures, and adopt a unified A-movement analysis for them, allowing variation only in the specification of agreement (phi-)features in the matrix clause.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Previous analyses
- 3.Proposed analysis: Delayed case valuation
- 4.Conclusion
Acknowledgements Notes References
References (26)
Ausín, A., & Depiante, M. (2000). On the syntax of parecer (‘to seem’) with and without an experiencer. In H. Campos, E. Herburger, A. Morales-Front, & T. J. Walsh (Eds.), Hispanic linguistics at the turn of the millennium (pp. 155–170). Somerville, MA: Cascadilla Press.
Borges, H., & Pires, A. (2017). The emergence of Brazilian Portuguese: Earlier evidence for the development of a partial null subject grammar. Poster presented at the 91st Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Society of America. Austin, Texas, 5–8 January 2017. To appear in online proceedings of the conference.
Carstens, V. (1991). The morphology and syntax of determiner phrases in Kiswahili (Unpublished PhD dissertation). UCLA.
Chomsky, N. (2000). Minimalist inquiries. In R. Martin, D. Michaels, & J. Uriagereka (Eds.), Step by step (pp. 89–155). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
(2001). Derivation by phase. In M. Kenstowicz (Ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language (pp. 1–52). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
(2008). On phases. In R. Freidin, C. P. Otero, & M. L. Zubizarreta (Eds.), Foundational issues in linguistic theory: Essays in honor of Jean-Roger Vergnaud (pp. 133–166). Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press.
Duarte, M. E. L. (2000). The loss of the ‘Avoid Pronoun’ Principle in Brazilian Portuguese. In M. Kato & E. V. Negrão (Eds.), Brazilian Portuguese and the null subject parameter (pp. 17–36). Madrid & Frankfurt: Iberoamericana & Vervuert.
Epstein, S., Groat, E., Kitahara, H., & Kawashima, R. (1998). A derivational approach to syntactic relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Epstein, S., Kitahara, H., & Seely, T. D. (2010). Uninterpretable features: What are they, and what do they do? In M. Putnam (Ed.), Exploring crash-proof grammars (pp. 125–142). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Fernández-Salgueiro, G. (2005). Agree, the EPP-F and further-raising in Spanish. In R. S. Gess & E. J. Rubin (Eds.), Theoretical and experimental approaches to Romance linguistics (pp. 97–107). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
(2008). The Case-F valuation parameter in Romance. In T. Biberauer (Ed.), The limits of syntactic variation (pp. 295–310). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Ferreira, M. (2005). Hyperraising and null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese.
MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 47: Collected papers in Romance Syntax
, 57–85.
Holmberg, A. (2010). Null subject parameters. In T. Biberauer, A. Holmberg, I. Roberts, & M. Sheehan (Eds.), Parametric variation: Null subjects in minimalist theory (pp. 88–124). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Kato, M., & Negrão, E. V. (2000). Brazilian Portuguese and the null subject parameter. Madrid & Frankfurt: Iberoamericana & Vervuert.
Martins, A., & Nunes, J. (2009). Syntactic change as chain reaction: The emergence of hyper-raising in Brazilian Portuguese. In P. Crisma & G. Longobardi (Eds.), Historical syntax and linguistic theory (pp. 144–157). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
(2010). Apparent hyper-raising in Brazilian Portuguese: Agreement with topics across a finite CP. In E. P. Panagiotidis (Ed.), The complementizer phrase: Subjects and operators (pp. 142–163). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Nunes, J. (2008). Inherent case as a licensing condition for A-movement. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics, 7(2), 83–108.
Pires, A. (2001a). The syntax of gerunds and infinitives: Subjects, case and control (Unpublished PhD dissertation). University of Maryland, College Park.
(2001b). PRO, movement and binding in Portuguese. In J. Camps & C. Wiltshire (Eds.), Romance syntax, semantics and their L2 acquisition. Selected papers from the 30th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (pp. 153–167). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
(2006). The minimalist syntax of defective domains: Gerunds and infinitives. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Rodrigues, C. (2002). Morphology and null subjects in Brazilian Portuguese. In D. Lightfoot (Ed.), Syntactic effects of morphological change (pp. 160–178). Oxford: Oxford University Press.
(2004). Impoverished morphology and A-movement out of case domains (Unpublished PhD dissertation). University of Maryland, College Park.
Cited by (1)
Cited by one other publication
This list is based on CrossRef data as of 12 december 2025. Please note that it may not be complete. Sources presented here have been supplied by the respective publishers. Any errors therein should be reported to them.