In:Figurative Meaning Construction in Thought and Language
Edited by Annalisa Baicchi
[Figurative Thought and Language 9] 2020
► pp. 187–208
Sources of pragmatic effects in irony and hyperbole
Published online: 12 August 2020
https://doi.org/10.1075/ftl.9.08col
https://doi.org/10.1075/ftl.9.08col
Abstract
How persuasion is accomplished by speakers who
use hyperbole and irony, in response to accusations of wrong-doing,
was investigated in three experiments. Results confirmed a predicted
dissociation – when accused speakers exaggerate denials (e.g., “I
have never, ever stolen anything from this store”), they look
relatively guilty compared to using no exaggeration (e.g., “I did
not steal from this store”). But when accused speakers exaggerate
ironic denials (e.g., “Oh sure, I have always,
stolen everything from this store”), they are perceived as
comparatively innocent relative to using no exaggeration. This
dissociation is also not due to differences in
hyperbolizing-toward-zero, versus hyperbolizing-toward-infinity, a
difference which can affect pragmatic effects leveraged by hyperbole
(Colston & Keller,
1998). The results are interpreted as demonstrating the
operation of psychological figurative comprehension and influence
mechanisms both in parallel to and independent from similar
pragmatic mechanisms found in some theories of linguistic pragmatics
(e.g., Relevance Theory).
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The relevance of hyperbole: The case of accusation denials
- 3.Experiment 1
- 3.1Participants
- 3.2Materials
- 3.3Design and procedure
- 3.4Results and discussion
- 4.Experiment 2
- 4.1Participants
- 4.2Materials
- 4.3Design and procedure
- 4.4Results and discussion
- 5.Experiment 3
- 5.1Participants
- 5.2Materials
- 5.3Design and procedure
- 5.4Results
- 6.General discussion
- 6.1Non-ironic denials
- 6.2Ironic denials
- 6.3Relevance and pragmatic effects
Acknowledgements Notes References
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