The Mandarin rising-intoned Éi (诶) particle in third position

This paper offers an analysis of rising-intoned éi in Mandarin conversation, specifically as it is produced in the wake of question-answer sequences. Examining the particle’s use both as a stand-alone unit implementing its own action, and as a preface to additional turn components and the actions thereby implemented, we argue that éi in third position is best conceived of as a change-of-state token marking an epistemic discrepancy. Paralleling what has been argued for Japanese eh, Mandarin éi flags something in the talk or environment as departing from the speaker’s pre-existing knowledge, supposition, expectation, or orientation. In third position of a question-answer sequence, it is the answer (produced in second position) that the éi targets and problematizes in this way, making relevant subsequent conduct that works to resolve the discrepancy. In light of the fact that prior interactional research on Mandarin éi has focused largely on the particle’s use in sequence-initiating actions, the paper concludes with a discussion of three possible theoretical accounts for the apparent diversity of its interactional functions.