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Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 34:3 (2017) ► pp.368–419

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Semantic and cognitive factors of argument marking in ancient Indo-European languages

 | University of Zurich
Published online: 19 October 2017
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https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.34.3.03vit
Abstract
This paper discusses how the argument structure of experience predicates may be affected by semantic factors in Indo-European. I investigate whether the semantic role of the experiencer is preferably expressed by the nominative or by an oblique case in various predicates of volition, cognition, propositional attitude, psychological experience and physical perception in each Indo-European branch, with particular consideration of Hittite, Old Indic, Ancient Greek, Latin, Classical Armenian and Tocharian. In my data, while the nominative coding of the experiencer tends to be generalized to heterogeneous semantic classes of experience predicates, an oblique experiencer occurs with more specific lexical categories, that is, the predicate like/please on the one hand and predicates of negative experience on the other. Interestingly, negative experiences of being sad, sick or unlucky are syntactically associated with oblique experiencers much more commonly than their correspondent positive experiences of being happy, healthy or lucky. This asymmetrical representation of negative and positive experiences has parallels in other language families and may have a cognitive motivation, whereby bad physical or psychological conditions are conceptualized as external forces attacking unwilling humans who have no control of them. This may be relevant not only for the currently debated issue of Indo-European argument marking, but also for an integration of semantic and cognitive principles into historical linguistics.
Résumé
Cet article analyse comment la représentation syntactique des prédicats d’expérience peut être influencée par des facteurs sémantiques dans les langues indo-européennes anciennes. J’ai examiné, en particulier, le rôle sémantique de l’expérient pour savoir s’il était exprimé de préférence par le nominatif ou par un cas oblique chez des prédicats variés de connaissance, pensée, volition, perception physique et psychologique, dans chaque branche de l’indo-européen: surtout en hittite, en vieil-indien, en grec ancien, en latin, en arménien classique et en tokharien. Selon mes données, tandis que la codification de l’expérient au nominatif est généralisée à des prédicats d’expérience sémantiquement hétérogènes, un expérient oblique tend à être utilisé avec des catégories lexicales plus spécifiques, telles que le prédicat plaire, d’une part, et d’autre part les prédicats d’expérience négative. Les prédicats être malade ou malheureux se révèlent être bien plus communément associés avec des expérients obliques que leurs prédicats correspondants d’expérience positive être sain ou heureux. Cette représentation asymétrique des expériences négatives et positives se retrouve dans d’autres familles linguistiques et peut avoir une explication cognitive: de mauvaises conditions physiques ou psychologiques seraient conceptualisées comme des forces externes qui attaquent les êtres humains dépourvus de contrôle sur elles. Cela peut être important non seulement pour le thème dont on discute beaucoup à l’heure actuelle du marquage des arguments syntactiques en indo-européen, mais aussi pour une intégration des facteurs sémantiques et cognitifs en linguistique historique.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Artikel diskutiert, wie in den alten indogermanischen Sprachen die Argumentstruktur der Empfindungsprädikate von semantischen Faktoren beeinflusst werden kann. Ich untersuche in jedem Zweig des Indogermanischen unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Hethitischen, Altindischen, Altgriechischen, Lateinischen, klassischen Armenisch und Tocharischen, ob bei einer Reihe verschiedener Prädikate der Volition, Kognition, propositoinaler Einstellungen, physischer oder psychischer Wahrnehmung die semantische Rolle des Experiens vorzugsweise mit dem Nominativ oder eher mit einem Kasus obliquus ausgedrückt wird. Während die Nominativkodierung auf semantisch heterogene Empfindungsprädikate generalisiert wird, kommt ein obliquer Experiens gemäß meinen Daten bei spezifischen lexikalischen Kategorien vor, und zwar mit dem Prädikat gefallen einerseits und mit Prädikaten negativer Empfindung andererseits. Negative Empfindungen wie unglÜcklich sein oder krank sein sind viel häufiger mit einem obliquen Experiens verbunden als ihre entsprechenden positiven Wahrnehmungen wie glÜcklich sein oder gesund sein. Eine solche asymmetrische Darstellung negativer und positiver Empfindungen hat Parallelen in anderen Sprachfamilien und kann kognitiv erklärt werden: die Ursachen schlechter physischer oder psychischer Zustände werden als externe Kräfte konzeptualisiert, welche die Menschen angreifen, ohne dass sie diese kontrollieren könnten. Das mag nicht nur für das aktuell diskutierte Thema der syntaktischen Argumentmarkierung im Indogermanischen relevant sein, sondern auch für eine Integration semantischer und kognitiver Prinzipien in die historische Linguistik.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Experience predicates with productive canonical subject marking
  • 3.Experience predicates with productive non-canonical subject marking
    • 3.1Semantics and markedness in experience predicates
    • 3.2The predicate like
    • 3.3Predicate of negative experience
      • 3.3.1Predicates of suffering
      • 3.3.2Predicates of illness
      • 3.3.3 Predicates of fear
      • 3.3.4 be sorry vs. be happy
  • 4.Comparison with other semantic accounts of IE experience predicates
    • 4.1Possible vs. natural expressions of experience predicates in different languages
    • 4.2Predicates of knowledge
    • 4.3Predicates of volition
    • 4.4Predicates of physical experience
  • 5.An implicational hierarchy for IE experience predicates
  • 6.Syntactic change of (non-)canonical subject marking
  • 7.Syntactic reconstruction of (non-)canonical subject marking
    • 7.1Different research questions regarding syntactic reconstruction
    • 7.2Reconstructability of PIE non-canonical subject marking
    • 7.3Reconstructability of the PIE active-stative alignment
  • 8.Conclusions
  • Notes
  • List of abbreviations
  • References
References (173)
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