Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 40:4 (2023) ► pp.439–491
Realis morphology and Chatino’s role in the diversification of Zapotec languages
Published online: 26 September 2023
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.21027.bea
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.21027.bea
Abstract
This paper concerns a semantic change whereby a continuous aspect prefix was reinterpreted as marking realis
mood. This change took place in Chatino and then diffused to the Southern Zapotec subgroup, contributing to the genetic
diversification of the Zapotec languages. Proto-Zapotecan marked irrealis mood with *k- and did not mark realis. *n- indicated
continuous aspect and could concatenate with perfective *ku- to render a resultative reading. A continuous-marked positional verb
*n-te later grammaticalized as a progressive prefix in Chatino. As both perfective and progressive refer to (at least partially)
realized situations, *n- was reanalyzed as a marker of realis mood that could concatenate with aspectual viewpoint prefixes. The
realis prefix is shown to be one of several traits diffused from Chatino which contribute to the creation of the Southern Zapotec
clade and its divergence from Monte Albán Zapotec.
Keywords: Zapotec, Chatino, realis, irrealis, nasals, language classification, areal diffusion, Mesoamerica, dialectology, mood, modality, aspect
Resumen
Este trabajo trata un cambio semántico en que un prefijo que marcaba aspecto continuo fue reinterpretado como un
marcador de modo realis. Este cambio tomó lugar en chatino primero, antes de difundirse al subgrupo zapoteco sureño, así
contribuyendo a la diversificación genética de las lenguas zapotecas. El protozapotecano marcaba el modo irrealis con *k- y no
marcaba el realis. *n- indicaba aspecto continuo y podría concatenarse con el perfectivo, *ku-, para una lectura resultativa. Un
verbo posicional con marcación de aspecto continuo, *n-te, se gramaticalizó como un prefijo progresivo en chatino. Como tanto el
perfectivo como el progresivo se refieren a situaciones (por lo menos parcialmente) realizadas, *n- se reanalizó como un marcador
de modo realis que se podría concatenar con prefijos de punto de vista aspectual. El prefijo realis se revela como uno de varios
rasgos difundidos del chatino que contribuyen a la creación del zapoteco del sur y su divergencia del zapoteco de Monte Albán.
Résumé
Le présent article décrit un changement sémantique consistant en la réinterprétation d’un préfixe marquant
l’aspect continu en un marqueur du mode realis. Ce changement historique s’est produit en Chatino avant de se propager au groupe
zapotèque du sud, contribuant ainsi à la diversification des langues zapotèques. Le proto-zapotécan marquait autrefois le mode
irrealis avec *k-, sans marquer le realis. *n- indiquait l’aspect continu et le même préfixe, combiné au préfixe perfectif *ku-,
donnait un sens résultatif. En chatino, la combinaison d’un verbe de position avec le préfixe continu (*n-te) s’est ensuite
grammaticalisée en préfixe marquant le progressif. Parce que le perfectif et le progressif font tous deux réference à des
situations effectives (du domaine realis), le chatino a grammaticalisé *n- comme un préfixe de realis, que l’on peut associer à
des préfixes aspectuels. Le préfixe réalis est l’un des nombreaux traits d’origine chatino qui contribuent à la formation du
zapotèque du sud comme un clade à part entière, et le distinguent du zapotèque de Monte Albán.
Zussamenfassung
Dieser Artikel behandelt einen Fall von semantischem Wandel, durch den ein kontinuatives Aspektpräfix als
Realismarkierung reinterpretiert wurde. Dieser Wandel fand im Chatino statt und breitete sich später über den Südzapotekischen
Zweig aus, wodurch er zur genetischen Diversifizierung der Zapotekischen Sprachen beigetragen hat. Das Proto-Zapotekische
markierte den Irrealis mit *k-; der Realis war unmarkiert. Das Präfix *n- drückte kontinuativen Aspekt aus und verband sich mit
dem perfektiven *ku- zur Bezeichnung resultativer Lesarten. Ein kontinuativ-markiertes Positionsverb *n-te grammatikalisierte
später zu einem Progressivpräfix im Chatino. Da sich sowohl Perfektiv als auch Progressiv auf realisierte Situationen beziehen,
wurde *n- reanalysiert als eine Markierung des Realis, die mit Aspektpräfixen kombiniert werden konnte. Das Realispräfix erweist
sich als eines von mehreren Merkmalen, die vom Chatino ausgehend diffundierten und zur Bildung der Südzapotekischen Klade und
ihrer Divergenz vom Monte Alban Zapotek beitrugen.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Zapotecan subgroups and regions
- 3.Synchronic description of realis marking
- 3.1Initial nasals as realis mood
- 3.1.1Definition and validity of realis mood
- 3.1.2Realis forms in Chatino and Southern Zapotec
- 3.1.3Realis and aspect in the joint system of Chatino and Southern Zapotec
- 3.1.4Realis and negation
- 3.2Interaction between the realis and aspectual prefixes
- 3.2.1The variability of the nasal prefix
- 3.2.2Reduction of NCC clusters
- 3.1Initial nasals as realis mood
- 4.The origin of the realis prefix
- 4.1Verbal inflection in Zapotecan
- 4.2Realis marking is an innovation, not a retention
- 4.2.1Preconsonantal nasals in the Western Relic Area
- 4.2.2Southern Zapotec participles
- 4.3The placement of continuous *n- preceding other aspect prefixes
- 4.3.1The continuous prefix applied to perfective forms in Coyachilla
- 4.3.2The grammaticalization of the progressive construction
- 4.3.3The reinterpretation of the continuous prefix as realis
- 4.4Zapotec modal morphology: A test for the realis hypothesis
- 4.4.1The Zapotec definite future lacks a nasal and is irrealis
- 4.4.2The Southern Zapotec counterfactual is irrealis but nasal-initial
- 5.Divergence and convergence of Chatino and Southern Zapotec
- 5.1Divergence of Zapotec and Chatino through the Core Zapotec period
- 5.2Southern Zapotec converges with Chatino and diverges from Monte Albán Zapotec
- 6.Conclusions
- Acknowledgments
- Notes
- Abbreviations
References
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