Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 39:5 (2022) ► pp.658–706
Correlated grammaticalization
The rise of articles in Indo-European
Published online: 1 June 2022
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20033.gol
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20033.gol
Abstract
Grammaticalization is characterized by robust directional asymmetries (e.g., Kuteva, Tania, Bernd Heine, Bo Hong, Haiping Long, Heiko Narrog & Seongha Rhee. 2019. World
lexicon of grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2nd edn. ). For instance, body-part nominals develop into spatial adpositions, minimizers develop into
negation markers and subject pronouns become agreement markers. Changes in the opposite direction are either rare or unattested
(Garrett, Andrew J. 2012. The historical syntax problem:
Reanalysis and directionality. In Dianne Jonas, John Whitman & Andrew J. Garrett (eds.), Grammatical
change: Origins, nature,
outcomes, 52–72. Oxford: Oxford University Press.: 52). Such robust cross-linguistic asymmetries have led some scholars
to reify grammaticalization trajectories as universal mechanistic forces (Heath, Jeffrey. 1998. Hermit
crabs: Formal renewal of morphology by phonologically mediated affix
substitution. Language 741. 728–759. : 729). One consequence of such a view is that the ambient morphosyntax of a language has little or even no relevance
for grammaticalization. This paper uses Bayesian phylogenetic methods to demonstrate the critical role that pre-existing
morphosyntax can play in grammaticalization. The empirical basis for this claim is the grammaticalization of definite and
indefinite articles in the history of Indo-European: indefinite articles developed at a faster rate among languages in which a
definite article had already emerged compared to those lacking a definite article. The two changes are thus correlated. The
results of this case study suggest that there is much more to be learned about when and why grammaticalization occurs by
investigating its relationship to the pre-existing linguistic system (cf. Reinöhl, Uta & Nikolaus P. Himmelmann. 2017. Renewal:
A figure of speech or a process sui
generis? Language 93(2). 381–413. : 381).
Résumé
Les phénomènes de grammaticalisation se caractérisent par de fortes asymétries directionnelles (e.g., Kuteva, Tania, Bernd Heine, Bo Hong, Haiping Long, Heiko Narrog & Seongha Rhee. 2019. World
lexicon of grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2nd edn. ) : les noms des parties du corps, par exemple, deviennent des
adpositions spatiales, les minimiseurs scalaires des adverbes négatifs, et les pronoms sujets des marques d’accord. À l’inverse,
les changements en direction opposée sont rares voire inattestés (Garrett, Andrew J. 2012. The historical syntax problem:
Reanalysis and directionality. In Dianne Jonas, John Whitman & Andrew J. Garrett (eds.), Grammatical
change: Origins, nature,
outcomes, 52–72. Oxford: Oxford University Press.: 52). Le
fait que ces asymétries paraissent universelles a conduit certains chercheurs à réifier ces processus de grammaticalisation et à
en faire des mécanismes linguistiques universels (Heath, Jeffrey. 1998. Hermit
crabs: Formal renewal of morphology by phonologically mediated affix
substitution. Language 741. 728–759. : 729). Une telle
conception implique notamment que la morphosyntaxe d’une langue donnée n’aurait que peu d’influence, voire même aucune, sur les
processus de grammaticalisation. L’objectif principal de cet article est de montrer le rôle crucial que la morphosyntaxe d’origine
peut avoir dans les phénomènes de grammaticalisation. L’étude de cas sur laquelle s’appuie cet article est la grammaticalisation
des articles définis et indéfinis à travers l’histoire des langues indo-européennes : on observe que les articles indéfinis se
développent plus rapidement dans les langues où un article défini a déjà vu le jour que dans celles qui n’en ont pas. Ces deux
changements sont donc interreliés. Les résultats de cette recherche semblent indiquer que l’étude du rapport entre le système
linguistique préexistant et les processus de grammaticalisation qui s’y produisent pourrait grandement nous renseigner sur les
contextes et les causes de ces processus (cf. Reinöhl, Uta & Nikolaus P. Himmelmann. 2017. Renewal:
A figure of speech or a process sui
generis? Language 93(2). 381–413. : 381).
Zusammenfassung
Grammatikalisierungspfade sind durch starke Asymmetrien genkennzeichnet (z.B., Kuteva, Tania, Bernd Heine, Bo Hong, Haiping Long, Heiko Narrog & Seongha Rhee. 2019. World
lexicon of grammaticalization. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2nd edn. ). So entwickeln sich beispielsweise Körperteilnomina zu räumlichen Adpositionen.
Minimierer entwickeln sich zu Negationsmarkern und Subjektpronomen werden zu Übereinstimmungsmarkern. Veränderungen in die
entgegengesetzte Richtung sind entweder selten oder nicht belegt (Garrett, Andrew J. 2012. The historical syntax problem:
Reanalysis and directionality. In Dianne Jonas, John Whitman & Andrew J. Garrett (eds.), Grammatical
change: Origins, nature,
outcomes, 52–72. Oxford: Oxford University Press.: 52).
Solche robusten sprachenübergreifenden Asymmetrien haben einige Wissenschaftler dazu veranlasst, Grammatikalisierungspfade als
universelle mechanistische Kräfte zu behandeln (Heath, Jeffrey. 1998. Hermit
crabs: Formal renewal of morphology by phonologically mediated affix
substitution. Language 741. 728–759. : 729). Eine Folge einer
solchen Sichtweise ist, dass die Morphosyntax einer Sprache wenig oder sogar keine Relevanz für die Grammatikalisierung hat. Das
Hauptziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die entscheidende Rolle aufzuzeigen, die bereits existierende Morphosyntax bei der
Grammatikalisierung spielen kann. Die empirische Grundlage für diese Annahme ist die Grammatikalisierung bestimmter und
unbestimmter Artikel in der Geschichte des Indogermanischen: unbestimmte Artikel entwickelten sich schneller bei Sprachen, in
denen ein bestimmter Artikel bereits entstanden war, als bei solchen, die keinen bestimmten Artikel hatten. Die beiden Änderungen
sind somit korreliert. Die Ergebnisse dieser Fallstudie legen nahe, dass man über das Wann und Warum einer Grammatikalisierung
viel mehr erfahren kann, wenn man ihre Beziehung zum bereits existierenden Sprachsystem untersucht (vgl. Reinöhl, Uta & Nikolaus P. Himmelmann. 2017. Renewal:
A figure of speech or a process sui
generis? Language 93(2). 381–413. : 381).
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 1.1Claims
- 2.What are articles?
- 2.1Three necessary and sufficient conditions for articlehood
- 2.2Referential types
- 2.3Disputed determiners
- 2.3.1Singhalese
- 2.4Cross-linguistic comparison
- 3.Article inventories in Indo-European
- 3.1A history of gain
- 3.2Establishing precedence
- 4.Data and methods
- 4.1Coding the data
- 4.2Phylogenetic trees
- 4.3Transition rates
- 4.4Model comparison
- 4.5Informative priors
- 5.Results
- 5.1Posterior distributions of the rate parameters
- 5.2Model comparison
- 6.Discussion
- 6.1The directionality question
- 6.2The correlation question
- 6.3The exceptions
- 6.4The role of language contact
- 7.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations
References
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