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Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 39:2 (2022) ► pp.159–192

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Weaving together the diverse threads of category change

Intersubjective ἀμέλει ‘of course’ and imperative particles in Ancient Greek

ORCiD logo with link | Ghent University
Published online: 23 September 2021
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https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.20031.lar
Abstract
This paper investigates category changes among imperative particles in Ancient Greek. Using diachronic evidence from the category change of the imperative ἀμέλει (amélei ‘don’t worry’ > ‘of course’) and similar imperative particles, ἄγε (áge), ἴθι (íthi), φέρε (fére), εἰπέ μοι (eipé moi) and ἰδού (idoú), this paper investigates the diachronic interdependence of intersubjectification, grammaticalization and language change in general. It does this in four ways. First, I show that intersubjectification can take place without subjectification (pace . 2003. From subjectification to intersubjectification. In Raymond Hickey (ed.), Motives for language change, 124–139. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar: 134). Second, I detail the intersubjectification of ἀμέλει with changes in the cognitive domain (no practical > no epistemic worries), the pragmatic domain (responsively resolving > independently assuming resolved worries) and contextual conditions (creating intersubjective alignment > assuming it). Third, I tease apart the various diachronic origins of changes which have affected ἀμέλει. Finally, using contrastive evidence from parallel category changes of Ancient Greek imperative particles, I argue that whereas the imperative particles can be variously affected by structural grammaticalization changes, they all display signs of context change (as shown by illocutionary extensions to occurrence with declarative and interrogative illocutions). Thus, the diverse threads of category change can be woven together by tracing the contexts of change as well as the diachronic processes shaping them.
Resumé
D’après des indications diachroniques offertes par le changement catégoriel de l’impératif du grec ancien ἀμέλει et d’autres particules impératives (ἄγε, ἴθι, φέρε, εἰπέ μοι et ἰδού), ce travail traite de l’interdépendance diachronique de l’intersubjectification, la grammaticalisation et le changement linguistique en général. En premier lieu, le processus d’intersubjectification subi par ἀμέλει confirmera que l’intersubjectification peut se produire sans subjectification (pace . 2003. From subjectification to intersubjectification. In Raymond Hickey (ed.), Motives for language change, 124–139. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar: 134). Ensuite, nous décrirons en détail l’intersubjectification de ἀμέλει à partir d’évolutions sur les plans cognitif (pas de soucis pratiques > pas de soucis épistémiques), pragmatique (résoudre activement > supposer les soucis résolus de manière indépendante) et contextuel (créer un alignement intersubjectif > supposer un tel alignement). Par après, nous identifierons et distinguerons les différentes origines diachroniques des évolutions dont témoigne ἀμέλει. Enfin, nous appuyant sur une comparaison avec des changements catégoriels parallèles impliquant d’autres particules impératives du grec ancien, nous démontrerons que, bien que certines particules impératives puissent être sujettes à des développements structurels par divers processus de grammaticalisation, toutes montrent des signes de changements contextuels (comme le prouvent les extensions illocutoires à des illocutions déclaratives et interrogatives).
Zusamenfassung
Unter Verwendung diachroner Belege für den Kategorienwandel des altgriechischen Imperativs ἀμέλει (mach dir keine Sorge > selbstverständlich) und ähnlicher imperativer Partikeln (ἄγε, ἴθι, φέρε, εἰπέ μοι und ἰδού) untersuche ich die diachrone Interdependenz von Intersubjektivierung, Grammatikalisierung und Sprachwandel im Allgemeinen. Erstens bestätigt die Intersubjektivierung von ἀμέλει, dass Intersubjektivierung ohne Subjektivierung erfolgen kann (pace . 2003. From subjectification to intersubjectification. In Raymond Hickey (ed.), Motives for language change, 124–139. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar: 134). Zweitens erläutere ich die Intersubjektivierung von ἀμέλει mit Änderungen der kognitiven Domäne (keine praktischen > keine epistemischen Sorgen), der pragmatischen Domäne (reaktionsschnelle Lösung > unabhängige Annahme gelöster Sorgen) und der Kontextbedingungen (Schaffung einer intersubjektiven Ausrichtung > Annahme). Drittens unterscheide ich die verschiedenen diachronen Ursprünge von Veränderungen, die ἀμέλει beeinflusst haben. Schließlich argumentiere ich unter Verwendung kontrastiver Belege aus parallelen Kategorienveränderungen von altgriechischen Imperativpartikeln dafür, dass Imperativpartikel zwar durch strukturelle Grammatikalisierungsprozesse unterschiedlich beeinflusst werden können, aber alle Anzeichen einer Kontextänderung aufweisen (wie illokutionäre Erweiterungen des Auftretens mit deklarativen und interrogativen Illokutionen zeigen).
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
    • 1.1Category change of Ancient Greek imperatives
    • 1.2Grammaticalization, intersubjectification and category change
    • 1.3Organization of the paper
  • 2.Previous views on ἀμέλει
  • 3.The intersubjectification of ἀμέλει: Semantic and contextual change
  • 4.Morphosyntactic changes: Grammaticalization, intersubjectification and language change
  • 5.The interdependence of intersubjectification, grammaticalization and category change
  • 6.Contrastive evidence from the category change of Ancient Greek imperative particles
  • 7.Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
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