Article published In: Diachronic Dimensions of Alignment Typology
Edited by Eystein Dahl
[Diachronica 38:3] 2021
► pp. 413–456
Pathways to split ergativity
The rise of ergative alignment in Anatolian and Indo-Aryan
Published online: 11 August 2021
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19046.dah
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19046.dah
Abstract
This paper reassesses the rise of ergative alignment in Anatolian and Indo-Aryan, two branches of the Indo-European linguistic family. Both of these branches acquire split-ergative morphosyntax in the course of their history but via different grammaticalization paths and with different results. In the Anatolian language Hittite, a denominative derivational suffix develops into an ergative case marker, which is restricted to so-called neuter nouns. In Indo-Aryan, on the other hand, a new ergative category with anterior aspectual semantics emerges in Middle Indo-Aryan originating from a P-oriented resultative construction in Old Indo-Aryan.
Keywords: alignment change, case marking, agreement, Indo-European, Anatolian, Indo-Aryan
Résumé
Cet article passe en revue l’origine et l l’évolution de l’ergativité dans l’anatolien et l’indo-aryen, deux branches de la famille indo-européenne. Dans le cours de leur histoire atteste, tous les deux branches développent systèmes de ergativité scindée, mais de structure diverse et par parcours de grammaticalisation différents. Dans l’anatolien, on peut voir l’évolution d’un système dans lequel la fracture d’actance est organisée selon la caractère de la phrase nominale, ou noms et pronoms neutres ont un marquage casuel de type ergatif-absolutif, alors que tous les autres noms et pronoms ont un marquage casuel de type nominatif-accusatif. Dans ce cas, on voit un changement dans la phrase nominale, où une formation originellement dérivationnelle se transforme en un suffixe flexionnel (cf. aussi Goedegebuure, Petra. 2018. The packagers -ant- and -a-, and the origin of split-ergativity in Hittite (and Lycian). In David M. Goldstein, Stephanie W. Jamison & Brent Vine (eds.). Proceedings of the 29th Annual UCLA Indo-European Conference. Bremen: Hempen.). Dans l’indo-aryen, on observe l’évolution d’un système dans lequel la fracture d’actance est organisée selon l’aspect de la forme verbale, ou une catégorie originellement résultatif se transforme en une forme du parfait avec une structure d’actance de type ergatif-absolutif, tandis que les autres formes verbales ont un marquage casuel de type nominatif-accusatif. L’article montre que même si les systèmes de structure d’actance et la typologie morphosyntaxique des deux branches sont similaires, il y a des différences en détail, qui peuvent contribuer à expliquer les évolutions diverses dans l’anatolien et l’indo-aryen.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Artikel untersucht die Entwicklung der Ergativität im Anatolischen und Indoarischen, zwei Zweige der indogermanischen Sprachfamilie. Im Laufe ihrer Geschichte erwerben diese beiden Zweige eine Morphosyntax mit gespaltener Ergativität, die sich aber hinsichtlich ihrer Grammatikalisierungspfade und Ergebnisse voneinander unterscheiden. In der anatolischen Sprache Hethitisch entwickelt sich ein denominatives Derivationssuffix in einen ergativen Kasusmarker, der auf sogenannte neutrale Nomen beschränkt ist. Im Indoarischen, auf der anderen Seite, entwickelt sich eine neue ergative Kategorie mit einer vorhergehenden aspektuellen Semantik im Mittel-Indoarischen, die wiederum aus einer P-orientierten resultativen Konstruktion im Alt-Indoarischen resultiert.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Terminological and theoretical preliminaries
- 3.The development of split-ergativity in Anatolian and Indo-Aryan
- 3.1Philological preliminaries
- 3.2The rise of NP-based split-ergativity in Hittite
- 3.3The development of aspect-based split ergativity in Old and Middle Indo-Aryan
- 4.Emerging NP-based and aspect-based split-ergativity: The case of Anatolian and Indo-Aryan
- 5.Summary and conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
- Abbreviations
References
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Cristofaro, Sonia & Guglielmo Inglese
2024. The diachronic emergence of alignment cross‑linguistically. Journal of Historical Linguistics 14:1 ► pp. 58 ff.
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