Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 39:1 (2022) ► pp.39–87
Persistent innovations and historical conspiracies as reanalysis and extension
Published online: 11 May 2021
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19034.bur
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.19034.bur
Abstract
This article explores temporally extended innovations as a form of phonological reanalysis and extension. Polabian (West Slavic) exhibits multiple dissimilatory innovations that target the reflexes of Late Common Slavic (LCS) *v/w. In this paper, I propose that the outputs of syllable structure changes in early West Slavic were reinterpreted as restrictions on the distribution of [w], thus introducing dissimilation to the language. The new grammar was not able to stop other innovations from occurring (prophylaxis) and instead restructured intermediate outputs from subsequent innovations into an acceptable phonetic form (repair) thereby extending dissimilation to new items. I demonstrate that (a) outputs of an earlier onset epenthesis grammar conform to the surface-true generalizations enforced by the reanalyzed dissimilation grammar and (b) a single grammar can account for both the dissimilation which developed during the West Slavic period and subsequent extensions which occurred after Polabian was fully differentiated from its relatives.
Résumé
Dans cet article, j’examine la diachronie de la perte de w en polabe, une langue morte du groupe slave occidental. Je propose que l’ancien slave occidental a restreint la distribution de *w quand un processus d’insertion de w a été réanalysé comme un cas d’amuïssement. La grammaire qui a restreint le segment est devenue la nouvelle grammaire synchronique et est restée stable pendant le développement d’autres innovations dans cette langue. Des innovations ultérieures à celle en question ont réintroduit des structures restreintes, parce que la grammaire ne peut empêcher les innovations (prophylaxie). En revanche, les structures ont été reconfigurées (extension) puisque la grammaire peut certainement influencer les résultats des innovations (réfection). Je modélise la diachronie de la perte de /w/ ailleurs (Rose, Sharon & Rachel Walker. 2004. A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80(3). 475–531. ).
Zusammenfassung
In diesem Beitrag untersuche ich den Verlauf des w-Schwunds in der polabischen Sprache (westslawisch, ausgestorben). Ich schlage vor, dass in dem frühwestschlawischen Sprachraum wurde die Verteilung von *w verengt, weil die Einschiebung von *w als Tilgung reanalysiert wurde. Die Grammatik, durch die diese Verengung durchführen wurde, wurde die neue synchronische Grammatik und blieb fest, als andere Lautwandel in der polabischen Sprache sich entwickelten. Durch die neue Entwicklungen wurden der Sprache die beschränkten Strukturen wieder eingeführt, weil durch die Grammatik keine Entwicklungen werden absperren können (Prophylaxe). Ich schlage vor, dass *w nochmal verengt wurde (Erweiterung), weil die Grammatik das Ergebnis der Sprachwandel beeinflussen kann (Reparatur). Ich modelliere den Verlauf des w-Schwunds nach der Methode Agreement By Correspondence (Rose, Sharon & Rachel Walker. 2004. A typology of consonant agreement as correspondence. Language 80(3). 475–531. ).
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The Polabian segment inventory
- 2.1The segments of Polabian
- 2.2Feature representation
- 3.The structure and timing of Polabian dissimilation
- 3.1Comparative and internal evidence of dissimilation
- 3.2The diachronic sequencing of Polabian dissimilation
- 3.3Summary of dissimilation
- 4.Labial dissimilation from a cross-linguistic perspective
- 4.1Types of dissimilation
- 4.2Does a process confine the analysis or does the analysis confine the process?
- 5.Towards a unified account of Polabian dissimilation
- 5.1Change in historical OT and phonological reanalysis and extension
- 5.2Modeling dissimilation in agreement by correspondence
- 5.3Polabian grammar models
- 5.4Summary: The structure of West Slavic dissimilation
- 6.Closing
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
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2025. Balancing social determinism vs. sound change. Journal of Historical Linguistics 15:1 ► pp. 132 ff.
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