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Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 37:2 (2020) ► pp.215–263

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The diachrony of participles in the (pre)history of Greek and Hittite

Losing and gaining functional structure

ORCiD logo with link | University of Vienna
Published online: 25 May 2020
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https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.18040.gre
Abstract
This article discusses two case studies of diachronic “voice flipping” in which the syntax of a participle appears to change from active or “subject-oriented” to passive (Ancient Greek ‑menos to Modern Greek ‑menos) and from resultative/stative to active (Proto-Indo-European *-nt-; Hittite ‑ant‑ vs. Ancient Greek ‑nt‑). While the first type of change is the result of a diachronic reanalysis by which a functional projection (VoiceP) is lost, the second type in fact adds an active Voice head. Both changes are the result of the simultaneous availability of a stative and an eventive reading in deverbal adjectival forms and could belong to a larger “participle cycle”. However, unlike in other changes usually discussed under the label “cycle”, unidirectional economy principles do not apply in these cases. Rather, these cases provide evidence that some types of morphosyntactic change, especially those related to event and argument structure, are driven by reanalysis of the feature content of functional heads under local structural ambiguity.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Aufsatz behandelt zwei Fallstudien zur diachronen Veränderung der Syntax von Par-tizipialsuffixen durch scheinbare “Umkehrung” deren Diathese: von aktiv bzw. “subjektsorientiert” zu passiv (Altgriechisch ‑menos zu Neugriechisch ‑menos) und von resultativ/stativ zu aktiv (Urindogermanisch *-nt‑ bzw. Hethitisch ‑ant‑ zu Altgriechisch ‑nt-). Während beim ersten Fallbeispiel eine funktionale Projektion (VoiceP) durch diachrone Reanalyse verloren geht, wird im zweiten Fall eine funktionale Projektion (eine aktive VoiceP) hinzugefügt. Beide Arten des Wandels sind das Resultat der gleichzeitigen Verfügbarkeit sowohl einer stativen als auch einer eventiven Lesart bestimmter deverbaler Adjektive und könnten daher einem weitläufigeren “Partizipienzyklus” zugerechnet werden. Im Gegensatz zu anderen Wandelstypen, die normalerweise als zyklisch gelten, spielen unidirektionale Ökonomieprinzipien in diesen Fällen allerdings keine Rolle. Sie sind vielmehr Evidenz dafür, dass bestimmte Arten des morphosyntaktischen Wandels, nämlich solche, die mit Ereignis-und Argumentstruktur verbunden sind, ihren Ausgangspunkt in der Reanalyse formaler Merkmale unter lokaler struktureller Ambiguität haben.
Résumé
Cet article traite de deux cas dans lesquels la syntaxe d’un suffixe participiale paraît inverser sa diathèse. Du point de vue descriptif, il passe d’un mode actif ou «orienté vers le sujet» á un mode passif (grec ancien ‑menos au grec moderne ‑menos) et d’un mode perfectif/statif á actif (proto-indo-européen *-nt-; hittite ‑ant‑ vs. grec ancien ‑nt-). Alors que le premier type de changement est le résultat d’une reanalyse diachronique par laquelle une projection fonctionnelle (VoiceP) se perd, le second type ajoute une tête de voix active. Les deux types de changement résultent de la disponibilité simultanée d’une interprétation stative et éventive de certains adjectifs déverbaux et pourraient appartenir á un «cycle de participes» plus large. Toutefois, contrairement á d’autres types de changement normalement considérés comme des cycles, les principes d’économie unidirectionnelle ne s’appliquent pas dans ces cas. Ils apportent plutôt la preuve que certains types de changement morphosyntaxique, en particulier ceux liés á la structure des événements et des arguments, résultent d’une réanalyse du contenu des fonctions des têtes fonctionnelles dans le cas d’une ambiguïté structurelle locale.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Background: Participles and voice
    • 2.1Participles
    • 2.2Modern Greek “passive” participles
    • 2.3Voice morphology
  • 3.Case study I: Greek ‑menos
    • 3.1Ancient Greek ‑menos
    • 3.2Modern Greek ‑menos
    • 3.3Analysis
      • 3.3.1AG vs. MG ‑menos
      • 3.3.2Diachrony of ‑menos
    • 3.4Summary
  • 4.Case study II: “Passive”/stative → active
    • 4.1Losing and gaining functional projections
    • 4.2PIE *-nt-
    • 4.3Hittite ‑ant‑
    • 4.4Analysis
      • 4.4.1The Problem: Active or Passive?
      • 4.4.2The origins of *‑nt‑ revisited
  • 5.Discussion and conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • Abbreviations
  • References
References (120)
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Calabrese, Andrea & Roberto Petrosino
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Giannaris, Thanasis
2023. The Development of the Copular Participial Periphrases in Ancient Greek: Evidence for Syntactic Change and Reconstruction. In Internal and External Causes of Language Change, ► pp. 119 ff. DOI logo
Spyropoulos, Vassilios
2023. The Development of Absolute Participial Constructions in Greek. In Internal and External Causes of Language Change, ► pp. 49 ff. DOI logo
Grestenberger, Laura
2022. To <em>v</em> or not to <em>v</em> ? Theme vowels, verbalizers, and the structure of the Ancient Greek verb. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 47:1 DOI logo
Grestenberger, Laura
2023. Deponency. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology, ► pp. 1 ff. DOI logo
Grestenberger, Laura & Itamar Kastner
2022. Directionality in cross-categorial derivations. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 7:1 DOI logo

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