Article published In: Diachronica
Vol. 35:1 (2018) ► pp.35–70
On morphological internalization
The origin of the Old Irish oblique relative conjunct particle -(s)aN-
Published online: 16 April 2018
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.16036.gar
https://doi.org/10.1075/dia.16036.gar
Abstract
This paper deals with the creation of the Old Irish oblique relative conjunct particle -(s)aN- (e.g., dianepir “for which he says” = do-(s)aN-epir) as the outcome of the internalization of a demonstrative form used as a light head, which initially stood as a morphologically independent form. The initial step of this change was the grammaticalization of that demonstrative as the oblique element of a paradigm of relative-clause type forms in which the subject and object functions of the antecedent of the relative are also distinguished. Internalization is defined as an abrupt morphological change creating grammatical elements; its specific mechanism is the mirror image of externalization and must be distinguished from other morphological changes such as incorporation.
Résumé
Cet article traite de la création de la particule conjointe -(s)aN
- de l’ancien irlandais qui exprime une proposition relative oblique (p.ex. dianepir “à qui il dit” = do-(s)aN-epir), en tant que résultat de l’internalisation d’une forme démonstrative utilisée comme élément clitique qui ne faisait pas partie, à l’origine, de la structure morphologique du complexe verbal de cette langue. La première étape de ce changement a été la grammaticalisation de ce démonstratif en tant qu’élément oblique d’un paradigme de formes verbales qui marquent un type de proposition relative, paradigme dans lequel on perçoit aussi les fonctions de sujet et de complément d’objet de l’antécédent dans la proposition relative. L’internalisation est définie comme un changement morphologique abrupt dont le résultat est la création d’éléments grammaticaux, son mécanisme spécifique pouvant être défini comme l’image spéculaire du processus d’extériorisation et qui doit être distinguée d’autres changements morphologiques tels que l’incorporation.
Zusammenfassung
Dieser Artikel befasst sich mit der Entstehung der altirischen obliquen Konjunktpartikel -(s)aN
- (z.B. dianepir “für den er sagt” = do-(s)aN-epir) als Ergebnis der Internalisierung eines morphologisch einst unabhängigen Demonstrativums, das als ‘light head’ fungierte. Diese Internalisierung setzt die Grammatikalisierung des Demonstrativums als das oblique Element eines Paradigmas von Relativverben voraus, das noch zwei weitere nominale Funktionen ausdrückt, nämlich das Subjekt und das Objekt des Relativsatzes. Internalisierung wird dadurch als ein abrupter morphologischer Wandel definiert, der neue grammatische Morpheme erzeugt; ihr Mechanismus ist das genaue Spiegelbild der Externalisierung, und muss von anderen morphologischen Vorgängen wie z.B. der Inkorporierung klar abgegrenzt werden.
Article outline
- 1.General and specific goals and structure of the paper
- 2.Old Irish and the definition of a morphological change
- 2.1Old Irish and its contribution to the diachrony of complex morphological structures
- 2.2Internalization in Old Irish
- 3.The Old Irish oblique relative conjunct particle -(s)aN-
- 3.1The notation -(s)aN-: Formal aspects of the particle
- 3.2What is a ‘conjunct particle’ in Old Irish?
- 3.3The particle -(s)aN- and other verbal complexes expressing relative-clause type
- 3.4Interim summary
- 4.The diachronic problem of the conjunct particle -(s)aN-
- 4.1Old Irish cognates of the conjunct particle -(s)aN- and the notion of ‘light head’
- 4.2Previous scholarship on the diachronic process leading to Old Irish -(s)aN -
- 5.Internalization as a morphological change
- 5.1Internalization and univerbation
- 5.2Internalization and incorporation
- 5.3Morphological externalization in the Old Irish verbal complex
- 5.4Interim summary: Internalization as a morphological change
- 6.Morphological internalization of the oblique relative independent conjunction *-(s)aN
- 6.1Internalization of the oblique relative independent conjunction *-(s)aN
- 6.2Favoring contexts for the internalization of *-(s)aN
- 7.Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
References
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Stoynova, Natalia
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