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Article published In: Concentric
Vol. 50:1 (2024) ► pp.20–56

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On a dichotomy of question types

The case of Paiwan

 | National Taiwan University
 | Tunghai University | National Chengchi University
Published online: 21 May 2024
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https://doi.org/10.1075/consl.00033.her
Abstract
This paper reexamines the conventional classification of questions in the Formosan language Paiwan: polar, disjunctive, and wh-questions and seeks to rectify some previous observations and offer a more insightful taxonomy. Specifically, we support the position in Egli, Hans. 1990. Paiwangrammatik [Paiwan Grammar]. Wiesbaden, Germany: Otto Harrassowitz.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar and Huang, Lillian M., Elizabeth Zeitoun, Marie M. Yeh, Anna Hsiou-Chuan Chang, and Joy J. Wu. 1999. Interrogative constructions in some Formosan languages. Chinese Languages and Linguistics, V: Interactions in Language, ed. by Yuen-mei Yin, I-li Yang and Hui-chen Chan, 639–680. Taipei: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica.Google Scholar logo with link to Google Scholar and demonstrate that polar questions are formed by a rising intonation alone and that the putative polar question particles (ui) dri, (ui) pai, na, and ui lja are in fact polar question tags, while a and ayau are non-interrogative interjection particles. There are thus no morphosyntactically formed polar questions in Paiwan. Crucially, questions formed with the sentence-initial tuki and its variants aki, ki, and tui are disjunctive questions, not polar questions. We argue that manu, previously seen as a disjunctive interrogative conjunction, is actually an emphatic adverbial instead, meaning ‘in the end,’ which can thus appear in all types of questions and declaratives. Disjunctive questions, in either A-or-B or A-not-A form, can also be formed with a silent disjunctive interrogative conjunction. Finally, we demonstrate that disjunctive and wh-questions share fundamental properties and should be recognized as two subcategories of constituent questions, as opposed to polar questions. A two-way distinction is thus obtained for questions in Paiwan.
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Three-way distinction of Paiwan questions
  • 3.A dichotomy of Paiwan questions
    • 3.1Polar questions in Paiwan
      • 3.1.1Putative polar question particles in Paiwan
      • 3.1.2Identifying true polar questions
      • 3.1.3Confirming the status of tuki disjunctive questions
      • 3.1.4Summary of polar questions in Paiwan
    • 3.2Disjunctive questions in Paiwan
      • 3.2.1Disjunctive questions with S-initial disjunctive interrogative elements
      • 3.2.2Disjunctive questions with disjunctive conjunction
      • 3.2.3Proper status of manu
      • 3.2.4Interim summary of the particles discussed
    • 3.3Unifying disjunctive questions and wh-questions
  • 4.Conclusions
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • List of abbreviations
  • References
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