In:The Boundary between Grammar and Lexicon: Evidence from Japanese verb morphology
Brent de Chene
[Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 368] 2025
► pp. vii–x
Published online: 3 February 2025
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.368.toc
https://doi.org/10.1075/cilt.368.toc
Table of contents
PrefaceXI
Inflectional category namesXV
On the transcription of JapaneseXVII
Chapter 1.The syntactic nature of inflection1
1.1Introduction: The boundary between grammar and lexicon1
1.2Background: Morphological concepts and frameworks2
1.3Objections to split morphology6
1.4The syntax/inflection duplication problem9
1.5The subtypes of inflection11
1.6Preview of Chapters 2 through 914
Chapter 2.An apparent challenge: Morphosyntactic and phonological fusion18
2.1Introduction18
2.2Morphosyntactic and phonological fusion19
2.3Fusion in Japonic: The case of Dunan21
2.3.1Background and preview21
2.3.2Prolegomenon: Rules and morphomes22
2.3.3Fundamentals of Dunan verbal inflection26
2.3.4Hiatus at verb stem boundary: A first pass28
2.3.5Suffixal allomorphy31
2.3.6Stem alternations35
2.3.6.1Velar-final stems35
2.3.6.2Vowel-final stems37
2.3.6.3r-stems39
2.3.6.4s-stems42
2.3.7Readjustment, rule ordering, and derivations43
2.3.8Motivation for the analysis47
2.3.9Conclusion49
Chapter 3.The nonsyntactic nature of verbal derivation50
3.1Introduction50
3.2Background and preview51
3.3Data52
3.3.1Suffixes and alternations52
3.3.2Isoradical relations55
3.4Suffix sequences and their interpretation in DM60
3.4.1Transitivity suffixes as causative and inchoative little v60
3.4.2Transitivity suffixes under a Voice-little v split69
3.5Another case of root-specific suffix orders76
3.6The meaning of “intransitive” morphology78
3.7The instability of stem meaning80
3.8Derivation, inflection, and featural override83
3.9Conclusion: A lexicon of stems85
3.10Epilogue: The implications of root-based derivation86
Chapter 4.An apparent challenge: Syntactic and lexical causatives88
4.1Introduction88
4.2Syntactic ‑(s)ase-, lexical ‑(a)se-89
4.2.1Hiatus in derivation and in verbal inflection89
4.2.2High/low attachment analyses and the passive
and causative suffixes90
and causative suffixes90
4.3An introduction to blocking and causatives94
4.4Reinterpreting “lexical ‑(s)ase-”97
4.4.1Distinguishing lexical and syntactic ‑ase-97
4.4.2The putative complementarity of ‑ase‑ and other transitivizers98
4.4.3Verb stems: Lexical ‑ase‑ as a historical development of ‑as-100
4.4.4Possessor-raising causatives104
4.4.5-(a)se‑ and ‑(s)ase‑ in VP idioms109
4.5Toward an understanding of the replacement of ‑as‑ by ‑ase-114
4.6Conclusion117
4.7Interim summary119
Chapter 5.The suffixal alternations of Japanese verbal inflection121
5.1Introduction: Levels of adequacy in phonology121
5.2Background: A typology of alternations122
5.3Japanese verbal suffix alternations126
5.4Four observationally adequate analyses and their predictions129
5.5Change in progress: The spread of r-Epenthesis133
5.6Analysis A: A closer look139
5.7Alternative accounts of innovative r-epenthetic forms146
5.7.1The putative influence of r-stem inflection147
5.7.2Category-specific accounts of innovative r-suffixes149
5.8Conclusion153
Chapter 6.Analysis A in Ryukyuan154
6.1Introduction154
6.2Synchrony: The essentials of Shuri verb inflection154
6.3Diachrony: The history of Shuri r-stem inflection159
6.3.1The antiquity of the C-stem versus V-stem distinction159
6.3.2Loss of the C-stem versus V-stem distinction163
6.3.3Tertiary r-stems166
6.4Points of contact among r‑ stems, V-stems, and w-stems170
6.5Beyond Shuri175
6.6Epilogue177
Chapter 7.Explaining the choice of Analysis A178
7.1Introduction178
7.2Explanatory adequacy in morphophonology179
7.3Hypotheses inconsistent with the choice of Analysis A180
7.4Neutralizing choices of underlying representations185
7.4.1Two case studies185
7.4.2An alternative interpretation189
7.5Type frequency, token frequency, and Analysis A195
7.6Truncation and ð-Epenthesis in Modern Greek nominal inflection198
7.6.1Hiatus at noun stem boundary198
7.6.2ð-Epenthesis as a default: Standard Modern Greek200
7.6.3ð-Epenthesis as a default: Anatolian dialects202
7.6.4Explaining the default status of ð-Epenthesis204
7.7The choice of Analysis A: Summary and conclusion205
7.8r-Epenthesis as an exemplar of the stem-boundary epenthesis rule206
Chapter 8.The timing of the adoption of Analysis A211
8.1Introduction211
8.2The bigrade alternation211
8.3A class of apparent exceptions to the bigrade blocking hypothesis214
8.4The extent of conformity with the bigrade blocking hypothesis216
8.5Representational approaches to bigrade blocking219
8.6Phonological distance and susceptibility to leveling: Three examples221
8.7The Regularization Priority Principle223
8.7.1Leveling in the Inferential223
8.7.2Another case of blocking under the RPP227
8.7.3C/V polarity alternations and the RPP229
8.8Looking back at Analysis A231
Chapter 9.Conclusion: A sharp boundary233
Abbreviations for works referred to237
References238
Name index
Subject index
