In:Language Acquisition in Romance Languages
Edited by Vicenç Torrens
[Bilingual Processing and Acquisition 18] 2024
► pp. 86–113
Chapter 4The acquisition of object drop in L2 Spanish by German speakers
Published online: 25 July 2024
https://doi.org/10.1075/bpa.18.04gui
https://doi.org/10.1075/bpa.18.04gui
Abstract
This study investigates the use of null objects in adult L1 German-L2 Spanish speakers. Spanish
null objects are licensed under two conditions: (i) semantically, null objects must be [-definite, -specific] (Franco, 1993; Sánchez, 2004), and
(ii) syntactically, null objects cannot be generated within an island or Phase Impenetrability in recent minimalist
conceptions (Chomsky, 2001), as they involve A’-movement (triggered by
[+ Top] feature). Object topic drop in German, on the other hand, does not exhibit the same semantic restrictions as
Spanish (Müller & Hulk, 2001). Using a production task, the predictions
of two competing models of L2 acquisition are tested. While the Interpretability Hypothesis (e.g.,
Hawkins & Hattori, 2006; Tsimpli
& Dimitrakopoulou, 2007) claims that interpretable features can be fully acquired by adult L2ers,
uninterpretable features not instantiated in the L1 are no longer available to adult learners, the Feature
Reassembly Hypothesis (Lardiere, 2009) proposes that L2
speakers transfer features that share the same morpholexical expressions in the L1 and L2, and when they do not,
learners must (re)assemble them into new configurations. Unlike the IH, FRH does not predict special difficulties with
uninterpretable features. The results from the native speaker group show that they respect the semantic constraints in
great measure, but show some variability with the syntactic restrictions by producing (unpredicted) null objects under
some of the islands tested. Moreover, the results from the L2ers show sensitivity to the semantic constraint, although
it is not as categorical as in the native group. Similarly, L2ers show sensitivity to the syntactic constraints in
that they generally prefer explicit objects when these are generated inside islands, but it varies by island (not in
the same way as in the NS group) and by speaker (group). In light of our results, we conclude that the results are
more in line with the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis. Ultimately, these results show that adult L2ers
are able to make distinctions which would not be expected if second language acquisition were fundamentally different
from L1 acquisition and UG were inoperative in this population.
Keywords: object drop, subjacency, L2 Spanish, L1 German
Article outline
- 1.General introduction
- 2.Theoretical background: Comparing the Spanish and German systems
- 3.Previous L2 research findings
- 4.Study: Design and methodology
- Participants
- Instruments
- Analysis
- 5.Results
- 5.1Group results
- 5.2Individual results
- 6.Discussion and concluding remarks
Acknowledgements Notes References
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