In:Approaches to Hungarian: Volume 15: Papers from the 2015 Leiden Conference
Edited by Harry van der Hulst and Anikó Lipták
[Approaches to Hungarian 15] 2017
► pp. 65–94
Chapter 3Two positions for verbal modifiers
Evidence from derived particle verbs
Published online: 24 August 2017
https://doi.org/10.1075/atoh.15.03heg
https://doi.org/10.1075/atoh.15.03heg
Abstract
This paper brings into question recent proposals that all types of Hungarian verbal modifiers are merged in the complement zone of the verb, and argues that certain verbal particles and resultatives are merged as specifiers in the extended verb phrase. The empirical focus of the paper is inseparable particle verbs. Verbal particles and resultatives do not behave uniformly when it comes to combinability with inseparable particle verbs: some particles and resultatives can co-occur with inseparable particles verbs, while others cannot. We will argue that particles and resultatives that belong to the former group are merged in a specifier position, while those belonging to the latter group are merged in the verb’s complement. Our results also support the view that objects are merged as specifiers rather than as complements (Bowers, 1993; Arad, 1996; Hale & Keyser, 1993; and Den Dikken, 2015b).
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Inseparable particle verbs
- 3.Inseparable particles have some syntactic visibility
- 3.1Co-occurrence with preverbal bare objects
- 3.2Co-occurrence verbal particles
- 3.3Co-occurrence with resultatives
- 4.Accounting for the inseparability of the particle
- 4.1Theoretical background
- 4.2The structure of inseparable particle verbs
- 5.Accounting for the co-occurrence restrictions
- 6.Consequences for argument structure
- 7.Variation
- 8.Conclusions
Acknowledgments Notes References
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