Multi-verb constructions in Old Chinese and Middle Chinese

Multiple verb constructions have been studied intensively in Chinese. However, given the typological differences between the Indo-European languages and Chinese, it is no surprise that the application of a ‘Western’ notion, namely ‘serial verb construction’ (SVC), has caused much debate. This study provides a working definition of ‘SVC’ in Old Chinese and then turns to diachronic issues, for example, the combinatorial possibilities of multiple verbs in Old Chinese, pre-Middle Chinese, and Middle Chinese, clarifying which kind of complex constructions may be regarded as verb serialising and which as verb compounding. With this in place, the study approaches an understanding of the evolution of multiple verb formations in Chinese. The finding reveals that multiple verbs in Old Chinese are combined via verb serialisation. Six combinatorial possibilities are confirmed: (a) unergative V + unergative V; (b) transitive V + unaccusative V; (c) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (change of state); (d) unergative V + unaccusative V; (e) transitive V + transitive V; (f) unaccusative V + unaccusative V (motion). These can be further classified into two groups: Group I: (a)–(d) are successive SVCs; Group II: (e)–(f) are coordinate SVCs. In pre-Middle Chinese, there are signs of verb compounding. The occurrence of disyllabic word roots in the Early Han Dynasty as well as (de)grammaticalisation may be responsible for this. In Middle Chinese, the grammaticalisation of transitive change-of-state verbs, and the degrammaticalisation of motion verbs, led to three different lexical categories: (a) partial intransitive change-of-state verbs turned into resultative complements (resulting in [transitive V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (change-of-state)); (b) partial motion verbs degrammaticalised and turned into directional complements (resulting in [unergative V + unaccusative V] SVC transiting into predicate-complement V-V (motion)); and (c) the first verb in [coordinate SVC] receives preverbalisation (giving rise to modifier-predicate V-V).

類型論における重要なテーマの一つとして、中国語の複雑動詞構文が注目されている。関心に寄せられてきたのはインド・ヨーロッパ語族由来の概念「連続動詞構文serial verb construction (SVC)」が中国語の複雑動詞構文に当てはめるかどうかである。本稿はSVCの定義を再検討し、形態・統語のインターフェイスの観点から古代中国語 (単音節) から中世中国語 (二音節) における連続動詞構文を考察する。どの形成が「動詞の連続化」であり、どれが「動詞の複合化」であるかを議論する。以上により、中国語における複雑動詞構文が歴史の流れの中でいかにシフトするか、通時的変化を探る。考察の結果、第1に、古代中国語における複雑動詞構文の形成パターンが動詞の連続化であり、六つの組み合わせが可能: (a) 非能格自動詞 + 非能格自動詞; (b) 他動詞 + 非対格自動詞; (c) 非対格自動詞 + 非対格自動詞 (状態変化); (d) 非能格自動詞 + 非対格自動詞; (e) 他動詞 + 他動詞; (f) 非対格自動詞 + 非対格自動詞 (移動)。以上の形成が二種類のグループに分けられる: (a)~(d) は継続的連続動詞構文であり、(e)~(f)は等位的連続動詞構文に属すことになる。第2に、前漢時代頃から二音節及び(脱)文法化が生じ始まった。それによって、動詞の「連続化」が徐々に「複合化」に移る。中世に入ると、他動的状態変化動詞の文法化及び非対格的移動動詞の脱文法化が三つの語彙範疇変化を引き起こした: (a) 一部の状態変化動詞が結果補語に変え; (b) 一部の移動動詞が脱文法化され、方向補語に変え; (c)「等位的連続動詞構文」のV1が動詞前接辞化され、V2を修飾する役割を果たすことになる。