The role of translation in language standardization: The case of Egypt
This article contributes to the debate on language standardization from below by examining the role of translation in the struggle to standardize ʿāmmiyya as a national language in Egypt. Drawing on Haugen’s model of language standardization, the article investigates the sociolinguistic and cultural factors that influenced the production and reception of three recent translations of literary classics into ʿāmmiyya: Le Petit Prince, L’Étranger, and The Old Man and the Sea. It is argued that the translations were undertaken not only on literary but also on nationalistic and feminist grounds. The findings show that the translations negotiated the norms of the literary field, where literariness has been coded by fuṣḥā, by conceptualizing Cairene Arabic as a separate diglossic language. Codification and elaboration occurred simultaneously through the diffusion of folk linguistic views in the paratexts of translated works from different literary genres, as well as through media interviews and social media.
Publication history
Table of contents
- Abstract
- Keywords
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Haugen’s model of linguistic standardization as a methodological approach
- 3. Fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya in Post-Arab Spring Egypt
- 4.Selection: Negotiating the norms of the literary field
- 5.Codification
- 6.Elaboration: The turn to print culture
- 7.Acceptance by the community: ‘Āmmīyya as a feminist counterforce to fuṣḥā
- 8.Conclusions
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Haugen’s model of linguistic standardization as a methodological approach
- 3.Fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya in Post-Arab Spring Egypt
- 4.Selection: Negotiating the norms of the literary field
- 5.Codification
- 6.Elaboration: The turn to print culture
- 7.Acceptance by the community: ‘Āmmīyya as a feminist counterforce to fuṣḥā
- 8.Conclusions
- Acknowledgements
- Funding
- Acknowledgements
- References
- Address for correspondence
- Biographical notes
1.Introduction
Ferguson (1996 [1959]Ferguson, Charles A. 1996 Sociolinguistic Perspectives: Papers on Language in Society, 1959–1994 . New York: Oxford University Press. , 435) defines the phenomenon of diglossia as “a relatively stable language situation in which, in addition to the primary dialects of the language (which may include a standard or regional standards), there is a very divergent, highly codified (often grammatically more complex) superposed variety, the vehicle of a large and respected body of written literature”. In the Arabic sociolinguistic context, Standard Arabic (fuṣḥā) functions as the standardized High variety that carries a lot of prestige as “the language of the Koran and the Islamic heritage, the language of a rich literary tradition, and as a marker of pan-Arab identity” (Daniëls 2018 2018 “Diglossia: A Language Ideological Approach.” Pragmatics 28 (2): 185–216. ., 198). Colloquial Arabic (ʿāmmiyya) serves as the non-standardized Low variety that refers to diverse dialects spoken across the Arab world. The complexity of the Arab diglossic situation resides in the observation that the High variety “has no native speakers” (Saiegh-Haddad 2017Saiegh-Haddad, Elinor 2017 “Learning to Read Arabic.” In Learning to Read across Languages and Writing Systems , edited by Ludo Verhoeven, and Charles Perfetti, 104–126. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. , 127). Yet, fuṣḥā is a mutually intelligible code and a source of unity among Arabs and Muslims, whereas ʿāmmiyya is “linked to eras of Arab division, disunity, and weakness” (Albirini 2011Albirini, Abdulkafi 2011 “The Sociolinguistic Functions of Codeswitching Between Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic.” Language in Society 40 (5): 537–62. , 557). It is thus hardly surprising that Arabic diglossia remains a source of conflict and tension among traditionalists, modernists, Islamists, secularists, and nationalists. The dynamic interplay between the two varieties manifests in the phenomenon of codeswitching that operates as a regularization mechanism through which two codes index sociolinguistic functions of varying prestige, importance, complexity, and seriousness — “a High code dedicated to important, serious, and sophisticated functions, and a Low code assigned to less important, less serious, and accessible issues” (Albirini 2011Albirini, Abdulkafi 2011 “The Sociolinguistic Functions of Codeswitching Between Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic.” Language in Society 40 (5): 537–62. , 555). This conceptualization foregrounds the functional, rather than the contextual, nature of codeswitching between the two varieties.
In Egypt, there has been a longstanding tension between the proponents of fuṣḥā and Egyptian Arabic, a non-standard variety of ʿāmmiyya mainly used in oral communication. While many spoken varieties of ʿāmmiyya are used in multiple cities and villages across Egypt, some dialects carry more prestige than others. The symbolic capital attached to Cairene Arabic, the dialect of the capital city and center of power, “is much greater than that associated with other regional dialects spoken in Egypt, especially in the south” (Hanna 2019 2019 “When Jesus Speaks Colloquial Egyptian Arabic: An Incarnational Understanding of Translation.” Religion 49 (3): 364–87. ., 371). Small wonder, then, that speakers of other dialects feel the need to switch to Cairene Arabic in their conversations in order to advance their social standing. That being the case, several attempts have been made to standardize ʿāmmiyya through the creation of a national literary heritage in Egypt. In the early twentieth century, Egyptian modernizers, most notably Aḥmad Luṭfī al-Sayyid (1872–1963), “established it as an aim of the nation to effect a rapprochement between the colloquial as the language of the speech and the standard as the language of writing” (Suleiman 2003Suleiman, Yasir 2003 The Arabic Language and National Identity: A Study in Ideology . Washington: Georgetown University Press., 173). While much ink has been spilled debating the link between language ideologies and nationalism in Egypt, treatments of the role of translators in resisting the orthodoxy of fuṣḥā are rare.
This article contributes to the debate on Arabic diglossia and language standardization from below by examining the role of translation in the struggle to standardize and imbue ʿāmmiyya with legitimacy as a medium of literary expression and a national language in Egypt. To that end, it uses as a case study a recent wave of translations of literary classics into ʿāmmiyya between 2018 and 2023. Egyptian YouTuber Hīktūr Fahmī translated Le Petit Prince ‘The Little Prince’ (1943) and L’Étranger ‘The Stranger’ (1942) into ʿāmmiyya in 2018 and 2022, respectively. In 2023, Egyptian writer Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī made a third attempt along these lines with his translation of The Old Man and the Sea (1952). The three translations triggered fierce criticism, not only because they deviated from the standardized practice of using fuṣḥā in literary translation but also because the translators used designations, such as ‘the Egyptian language’ and ‘the Egyptian fuṣḥā’, to describe the target language.
Drawing on Haugen’s (1966)Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. model of language standardization, this study examines the sociolinguistic and cultural factors that influenced the production and reception of the translations. In so doing, it argues that the translations were undertaken not only on literary but also on nationalistic and feminist grounds. The translators negotiated the norms of the literary field, where literariness has been coded by fuṣḥā, by conceptualizing Cairene Arabic as a separate diglossic language with its own intrinsic grammaticality and orthographic rules. The processes of codification and elaboration occurred simultaneously through diffusing folk linguistic views in the paratexts of translated works from different literary genres, as well as through media interviews and social media platforms. The new wave of translations deserves particular attention because they came as part of a large-scale project supported by a feminist publisher and coincided with growing state support for literary writing in ʿāmmiyya. More specifically, the translations were published by Elles, a Cairo-based publisher that describes itself as the first feminist publishing house in Egypt. The link between feminism and the production of the translations will become clear in due course. In what follows, I briefly introduce Haugen’s model and the study’s corpus.
2.Haugen’s model of linguistic standardization as a methodological approach
This study’s methodology derives from Haugen’s (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 933) model of linguistic standardization, which includes four major components of development: (1) “selection of a norm, (2) codification of form, (3) elaboration of function, and (4) acceptance by the community”. The first two phases relate to the form of the variety, whereas the subsequent two phases pertain to its purpose or function. Codification refers to “the form of a language, i.e., its linguistic structure, including phonology, grammar, and lexicon” (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 931). Elaboration describes the process by which a language variety is employed in a wider range of situations, leading to an increase in its social status. The aim is to legitimize the selected standard variety through “utilization in writing” (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 931). The fourth phase pertains to acceptance “even by a small but influential group” (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 931). As will be argued, explaining the four processes of language standardization in terms of linear reasoning does not do justice to their complexity and entanglement. Understanding this complexity can be achieved when language standardization is grounded in a deep understanding of the historical and social aspects of the four processes.
Besides the translations, the study draws on a corpus of epitextual material, such as media interviews with the translators, publisher, and literary critics. Paratext as a term was coined by Genette (1997Genette, Gérard 1997 Paratexts: Thresholds of Interpretation . Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. , xviii) to refer to those liminal materials, both within (peritext) or outside (epitext) the book, that mediate it for the reader. These interviews offer insights into the rationale behind the production of the translations and their reception in Egypt. The fact that the translators and publisher felt the need to address multiple media outlets bolsters the observation that “when publishers take the risk of publishing literary works in ʿāmmiyya, they strive to justify this move to the reader in different ways” (Hanna 2016Hanna, Sameh 2016 Bourdieu in Translation Studies: The Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Shakespeare Translation in Egypt . London: Routledge. , 171). The analysis of epitextual material goes hand in hand with examining the translations’ peritexts, such as prefaces, covers, and blurbs. The peritextual elements play a crucial role in influencing the reception of a text since the broader public relies heavily on them to generate an opinion about the text without even delving into the actual content. Referring to this point, Tahir Gürçaglar notes that translators draw on paratexts to “bridge translated texts with their readers and therefore shape their reception in a major way” (2011Tahir Gürçaglar, Şehnaz 2011 “Paratexts.” In Handbook of Translation Studies , ed. by Yves Gambier, and Luc van Doorslaer, 2:113–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. , 113). Numerous newspapers included the translations’ blurbs and cover pages in their articles in order to shape the public’s perception of the translations (e.g. Muṣtafā 2022Muṣtafā, Īhāb 2022 “Hīktūr Fahmī Yuwaḍiḥ ʾasbāb tarjamatuh li-riwāyat al-gharīb bi-al-‘āmmiyya al-Maṣriyya [Hīktūr Fahmī explains the reasons for his translation of the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the Egyptian vernacular].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3686874 (Accessed 13 August 2023).; Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). Notwithstanding the significance of paratexts, they should not be taken at face value because they only show how translations are presented rather than how they are (Tahir Gürçaglar 2011Tahir Gürçaglar, Şehnaz 2011 “Paratexts.” In Handbook of Translation Studies , ed. by Yves Gambier, and Luc van Doorslaer, 2:113–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. , 115). Researchers, according to this view, should treat paratexts as “complementary devices” and should not abandon textual analysis (2011Tahir Gürçaglar, Şehnaz 2011 “Paratexts.” In Handbook of Translation Studies , ed. by Yves Gambier, and Luc van Doorslaer, 2:113–16. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. , 115). Some of the significant textual features are analyzed to support the theoretical arguments of the study. Before examining the translations, it is necessary to situate them within the historical context that led to a recent upsurge in colloquial literature and translations.
3. Fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya in Post-Arab Spring Egypt
Language planning involves the recognition of two distinct categories of agency: governmental and non-governmental (Klöter 2020Klöter, Henning 2020 “One Legacy, Two Legislations: Language Policies on the Two Sides of the Taiwan Strait.” In Language Diversity in the Sinophone World: Historical Trajectories, Language Planning, and Multilingual Practices, ed. by Henning Klöte, and Mårten Söderblom Saarela, 101–121. New York: Routledge. , 103–104). The past decade has witnessed dramatic transformations in the political scene in Egypt. In his early days in office, President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, who became Egypt’s de facto leader in July 2013, called for Al-Azhar, an Islamic mosque-university founded in Cairo in 972, to undertake reforms and modernize religious discourse (Bano and Benadi 2018Bano, Masooda, and Hanane Benadi 2018 “Regulating Religious Authority for Political Gains: Al-Sisi’s Manipulation of al-Azhar in Egypt.” Third World Quarterly 39 (8): 1604–21. ., 1615). Central to the modernization of religious discourse is the employment of modern forms of expression. In 2021, the Supreme Administrative Court set nine principles to modernize religious discourse, including “the use of the internet’s language because it is the language of the age with which to guide societies to truth, justice, and peace” (ʿAbd al-Hādī 2021ʿAbd al-Hādī, Aḥmad 2021 “Al-ʾidāriyyah al-ʿulyā tuḥadid 9 ʾaliyat li-tajdīd al-khiṭāb al-dīnī ... taʿaraf ʿalayhā [The ‘Supreme Administrative Court’ identifies nine mechanisms for renewing religious discourse... Learn them].” Youm7. Available at: https://www.youm7.com/story/2021/8/5/الإدارية-العليا-تحدد-9-آليات-لتجديد-الخطاب-الدينى-تعرف-عليها/5413158 (accessed 18 October 2023).). More telling is the fifth principle that calls for renewing and promoting religious discourse in several languages, in keeping with the universal message of Islam. In response to these modernization calls, the Academy of the Arabic Language, established in 1934 to develop and regulate the Arabic language in Egypt, organized a seminar entitled ‘Renewal of Religious Discourse’ in 2018. The Academy also launched the project of tafṣīḥ al-ʿāmmiyya ‘the fuṣḥā-ization of ʿāmmiyya’ to bridge the gap between fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya by regularly authorizing the use of many vernacular expressions (Aḥmad 2022Aḥmad, ʿAbd al-Raḥman 2022 “Baynahā al-faskbakah wa al-ʾistiʿbāṭ .. kalimāt ‘āmmīyah wa ʾAjnabiyyah ʾAjāzahā mujamaʿ al-lugha al-Arabiyyah bi maṣr ʾAthārat al-jadal [Including ‘al-faskbakah’ and ‘al-ʾistiʿbāṭ’... Colloquial and foreign words approved by the Academy of Arabic Language in Egypt sparked controversy].” Al Jazeera. Available at: www.aljazeera.net/misc/2022/11/1/بين-الفسبكة-والاستعباط-كلمات-عامية (accessed 16 September 2023).).
This shift in language politics can be further glimpsed in the publishing of multiple literary works and translations in ʿāmmiyya over the past decade. The publication of Fahmī’s translation of L’Étranger coincided with the release of the vernacular-written novel Bil-khitm al-kīnī ‘With the Kenyan Seal’ by the Egyptian novelist Shīrīn Hilāl in 2022. The publication of the novel by the state-owned General Book Authority indicates clear state support for the production of literary works in ʿāmmiyya after long years of reluctance. A watershed was crossed in the history of the recognition of ʿāmmiyya as a literary language when two novels won the Sawiris Cultural Award in 2019: al-Mawlūdah ‘The Newborn’, written entirely in ʿāmmiyya by Nadia Kamel, and Misk al-Tall ‘Musk of the Hill’, written in a combination of fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya by Sahar El-Mougy. Against this backdrop, it becomes evident that the translations emerged from a sociopolitical context marked by a growing literary activity in ʿāmmiyya. An important corollary is that the translations benefited from the increasing acceptance of ʿāmmiyya at the official and non-official levels.
While these literary works play a crucial role in legitimizing ʿāmmiyya, they do not antagonize the gatekeepers of linguistic propriety for two reasons. First, such works do not explicitly aim to overthrow fuṣḥā as the dominant form of literary expression. Second, there is a growing trend in novels to pragmatically utilize ʿāmmiyya as a functional resource for writing dialogues, with the aim of replicating the language commonly used in everyday conversations and signifying the social status of different characters. Notable examples of novelists combining fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya in their writing include Yūsuf Idrīs and Aḥmad Murād. The inclusion of ʿāmmiyya in novels is justifiable since it enhances their potential for adaptation for the screen or stage. Conversely, translation does not allow for such flexibility in the pragmatic distribution of language variety use, mainly because translators are expected to reproduce the register of the source text and conform to the norms of the receiving context. In his sharp criticism of Fahmī’s translation of L’Étranger, Salāḥ Faḍl, president of the Academy of the Arabic Language, claims that “translating the French novel into ʿāmmiyya is inappropriate and detrimental to the integrity of the creative work, for the translation deviates from the original formulation in the standard or literary language” (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). Here, Faḍl refers to literariness as the norm governing both the source and target cultures. He contends that ʿāmmiyya can be employed in specific literary genres such as poetry, which gains more significance when sung due to its artistic nature.
What makes the problem even more complex is that the translators selected literary masterpieces written by winners of Nobel laureates and presented their translations as being articulated in the Egyptian language, capable of meeting all linguistic needs. They did more than just translate: they attempted to create a standard through discussing matters of vocabulary, spelling and pronunciation. Furthermore, the translations highlight the need to end diglossia in Egypt and enrich the stock of ʿāmmiyya resources by borrowing words and grammatical forms from foreign languages. Unlike the original literary works, the translators and publisher take a revolutionary path by evoking the discourses of Egyptian nationalism and feminism. Delisle and Woodsworth (2012Delisle, Jean, and Judith Woodsworth eds. 2012 “Translators and the Development of National Languages.” In Translators through History , Rev. ed. Benjamins Translation Library (BTL) 101. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. , 54) note that “through their association with great projects of religious reform or nationalism — or both of these causes — translators played a significant role in the development of receiving cultures, and in the genesis of language itself”. All these factors contributed to the broad influence that the translations have enjoyed.
4.Selection: Negotiating the norms of the literary field
4.1Power of naming
The translators and publisher attracted a surfeit of public and critical attention to their products through the power of naming. In their interviews with newspapers, the translators denied using ʿāmmiyya in their translations. Instead, Fahmī pointed out that he had rendered L’Étranger in what he calls al-Lugha al-Maṣriyya al-fuṣḥā ‘the classical Egyptian language’, which he defines as a high register of the Egyptian language with distinct aesthetic elements that set it apart from fuṣḥā (Muṣtafā 2022Muṣtafā, Īhāb 2022 “Hīktūr Fahmī Yuwaḍiḥ ʾasbāb tarjamatuh li-riwāyat al-gharīb bi-al-‘āmmiyya al-Maṣriyya [Hīktūr Fahmī explains the reasons for his translation of the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the Egyptian vernacular].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3686874 (Accessed 13 August 2023).). Aḥmad Luṭfī al-Sayyid coined the label “the Egyptian language” in the early 20th century to describe the spoken Arabic dialect in Egypt (Suleiman 2003Suleiman, Yasir 2003 The Arabic Language and National Identity: A Study in Ideology . Washington: Georgetown University Press., 173). The same can be said of ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation whose front cover shows that it is translated into al-Maṣriyya ‘the Egyptian’, which he describes in the preface as al-Lugha al-Maṣriyya ‘the Egyptian language’ (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 5). These were probably the first translations advertising themselves as written in the Egyptian language (see Figure 1).
Kristiansen’s (2019)Kristiansen, Tore 2019 “Language Standardization.” In Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science , ed. by Jeroen Darquennes, Joseph C. Salmons, and Wim Vandenbussche, 384–97. Berlin: De Gruyter. concepts of divergence and convergence in selection lend themselves to studying the tension between the producers of the translations and their critics. Selection involves “divergence in the sense of ideological downgrading of an exoglossic standard (a language associated with social elites and formal contexts) […] and convergence in the sense of delimiting the linguistic material on which to develop a new endoglossic standard based on indigenous language material” (2019Kristiansen, Tore 2019 “Language Standardization.” In Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science , ed. by Jeroen Darquennes, Joseph C. Salmons, and Wim Vandenbussche, 384–97. Berlin: De Gruyter., 386). The translators downgraded fuṣḥā as an exoglossic variety linked to the cultural elite and formal contexts and promoted the Egyptian language as an endoglossic standard. Rajāʼī Mūsā, Director of Elles, contends that the Egyptian language employed by Fahmī corresponds to a higher register than ʿāmmiyya, and that fuṣḥa is exclusively spoken by the elite class (Rāmī 2022Rāmī, ʿAbd Allāh 2022 “Tarjamat riwāyat “al-gharīb” lil-‘āmmiyya: mawqif īdyūlūjī am ḥāja lil-tajrīb? | kāmū ‘al-miṣr’ yujaddid al-ḥarb bayna al-fuṣḥā wa-al-‘āmmiyya [Is translating the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the vernacular an ideological position or a need for experimentation? | Camus ‘The Egyptian’ renews the war between classical and colloquial].” Al-akhbar. Available at: https://al-akhbar.com/Literature_Arts/328403 (accessed 23 February 2023).). Highlighting its indigenous nature, Mūsā emphasizes that the Egyptian language can be traced back to the seventh century (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). The designation of fuṣḥa as the language of the elite implies that it primarily operates at a symbolic level, while ʿāmmiyya functions at a communicative level. The subtleties of this argument come into focus when we consider that “the loss or abandonment of a language in its ordinary communicative role must eventually lead to the dilution or, indeed, the disappearance of its symbolic or ‘associational’ capacity” (Edwards 2011Edwards, John 2011 Challenges in the Social Life of Language . New York: Springer. , 106).
Challenging the existing linguistic hierarchy and current state of marginalization, ʿAbd al-Hādī’ undertook the translation to rebut the claim that “al-Lugha al-Maṣriyya al-ḥadīthah ‘the modern Egyptian language’ does not offer a viable medium for literary expression” (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). The selection of ʿāmmiyya violates a set of norms in the field of literary translation, where the degree of adequacy in relation to the semantic and stylistic properties of the source text establishes the quality and acceptability of the target text. It also breaks with another doxic practice in the literary field, namely the use of fuṣḥa as the legitimate medium of expression (Hanna 2016Hanna, Sameh 2016 Bourdieu in Translation Studies: The Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Shakespeare Translation in Egypt . London: Routledge. , 173). There is indeed weight to this argument. The director of Sefsafa Publishing House, Muḥammad al-Baʿlī, commented on ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation by pointing out that the litmus test is whether or not “the reader finds the work faithful or unfaithful (to the source text)” (Ḥāmid 2023Ḥāmid, ʿAbd Allāh 2023 “Tarjamat al-a‘māl al-‘ālamiyya lil-‘āmmiyya al-maṣriyya.. Jadal jadīd ḥawla al-huwiyya wa-al-ta’thīr [Translating world literature into Egyptian vernacular.. A new debate on identity and influence].” Aljazeera. Available at: www.aljazeera.net/culture/2023/1/13/ترجمة-الأعمال-العالمية-للعامية (accessed 13 July 2023).). This is another way of saying that the norms of the receiving context determine “the actual position of a translation […] between adequacy and acceptability” (Toury 1981Toury, Gideon 1981 “Translated Literature: System, Norm, Performance: Toward a TT-Oriented Approach to Literary Translation.” Poetics Today 2 (4): 9–27. ., 24).
Fahmī was fully cognizant of the norms of the receiving context, as can be inferred from his statement that the translation of L’Étranger received criticism even while it was still being printed (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). The reason for this criticism, so the argument goes, is that the translation challenged the sacredness of literary classics and fuṣḥa. The inherent sacredness of fuṣḥa stems from its direct association with the Quran. Hanna (2019) 2019 “When Jesus Speaks Colloquial Egyptian Arabic: An Incarnational Understanding of Translation.” Religion 49 (3): 364–87. . writes that Arabic-speaking Christian translators in early twentieth-century Egypt used phraseology from the Quran to produce translations of the Bible with the highest Arabic register. Or to put this in Hanna’s formulation, the translators “were well aware of the sacred status the Arabic language had acquired because of its associations with the Quran” (2019 2019 “When Jesus Speaks Colloquial Egyptian Arabic: An Incarnational Understanding of Translation.” Religion 49 (3): 364–87. ., 366). The norms of adequacy and fuṣḥā are exemplified by Fahmī stating that he agreed with the publisher to translate the novel in a high register of the Egyptian fuṣḥā that meshes with Camus’s philosophical writing style (Muṣtafā 2022Muṣtafā, Īhāb 2022 “Hīktūr Fahmī Yuwaḍiḥ ʾasbāb tarjamatuh li-riwāyat al-gharīb bi-al-‘āmmiyya al-Maṣriyya [Hīktūr Fahmī explains the reasons for his translation of the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the Egyptian vernacular].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3686874 (Accessed 13 August 2023).). Therefore, the selection of the fuṣḥā variety of the Egyptian language preceded the actual production of the translations. Here, Fahmī’s labeling entails a diglossic hierarchy of the Egyptian language and enhances the rupture with fuṣḥā. The Egyptian language becomes a separate diglossic language with two varieties: fuṣḥā and dialects. In using the label ‘the Egyptian fuṣḥā’ as a mid-range variety, Fahmī aligns himself with the norms of literary translation prevailing in the receiving context, namely the employment of a high register of fuṣḥā for translating literary classics. The use of multiple labels, such as the Egyptian fuṣḥā and the modern Egyptian language, indicates the selection of a composite rather than a unified standard.
Likewise, ʿAbd al-Hādī’ adheres to the norms of literary translation — the criteria of adequacy and the use of fuṣḥā — by criticizing earlier translations of The Old Man and the Sea in fuṣḥā for failing to capture the simplicity that characterizes Hemingway’s style and earned him the Nobel Prize (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). The translator argues that the Egyptian language is more capable of communicating this simplicity than fuṣḥā. In the preface, he claims that the writer’s modern style eschews purple patches and metaphors, thereby making a case for the inappropriateness of fuṣḥā for rendering the novel (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 5). One may contend that selecting this novel, which consists mainly of dialogues, makes it well-suited for translation into ʿāmmiyya. The same applies to L’Étranger that explores the mundane and introspective experiences of individuals in ordinary and extraordinary situations. This necessitates the use of codeswitching to delineate various settings and distinguish between characters.
The problem of selection is complicated by the fact that the translators favored Cairene Arabic in their translation practice. More is at stake in drawing the boundaries of the Egyptian language than in challenging literary norms. The production of the translations can be interpreted as a nationalist attempt to establish ʿāmmiyya as a national language. As Billig (1995Billig, Michael 1995 Banal Nationalism . London: Sage., 33) observes, “the common practices of naming languages tend to emerge through struggles for hegemony”. Nationalists use what Billig (1995Billig, Michael 1995 Banal Nationalism . London: Sage., 88) calls “the syntax of hegemony”, by which “the part claims to present the whole”.
4.2Linking Cairene Arabic to national identity
Haugen (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 932) argues that selecting a specific vernacular as a norm implies favoring the groups speaking that variety and disfavoring others. In cases where there are socially coordinate groups of individuals inside the community, typically dispersed geographically or tribally, the adoption of a certain norm will likely face opposition from the other groups (1966Haugen, Einar 1966 Language Conflict and Language Planning: The Case of Modern Norwegian . Cambridge: Harvard University Press. , 932). The translators’ preference for Cairene Arabic raised concerns that speakers of other Egyptian dialects, such as the Ṣa‘īdī dialect spoken by the Upper Egyptians, would follow suit and standardize their dialects into national languages. Given the diversity of social groups and their distinct dialects, literary critics linked the translators’ attempts to standardize ʿāmmiyya with colonial endeavors aimed at undermining Egypt’s national identity. Literary critic Aḥmad al-Khamīsī (2022)Al-Khamīsī, Aḥmad 2022 “Al-tarjama ilā al-‘āmmiyya bayna al-jahl wa-al-ta‘ammud [Translation into vernacular between ignorance and intention].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3691729 (accessed 12 October 2023). perceived the motivations of both translators as paralleling those of orientalists and the British occupation, in that they sought to split the country by dividing the language that binds it together. This classic argument against the standardization of other varieties than fuṣḥā has reverberated in the debates on ʿāmmiyya and fuṣḥā since the end of the nineteenth century. Daniëls notes that replacing fuṣḥā with non-fuṣḥā varieties is often associated with “colonial ploys against Arab and Muslim identity” (2004Daniëls, Helge 2004 “Linguistic Conservatism as the Basis for Political Revolution? The Fuṣḥā-‘Āmmiyya Debate in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman-Arab Middle Eastern Society.” Antwerp Papers in Linguistics 106: 79–92., 84).
Following the release of ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation, Egyptian critic Aḥmad Bilāl commented that literary works and translations in ʿāmmiyya break with the Arab-Islamic heritage and that such attempts have not resonated with the Egyptian nation or other Arab nations (Ḥāmid 2023Ḥāmid, ʿAbd Allāh 2023 “Tarjamat al-a‘māl al-‘ālamiyya lil-‘āmmiyya al-maṣriyya.. Jadal jadīd ḥawla al-huwiyya wa-al-ta’thīr [Translating world literature into Egyptian vernacular.. A new debate on identity and influence].” Aljazeera. Available at: www.aljazeera.net/culture/2023/1/13/ترجمة-الأعمال-العالمية-للعامية (accessed 13 July 2023).). As a native of Upper Egypt, he expressed difficulty understanding Cairene expressions in novels such as Fatḥī Ghānim’s al-Jabal ‘The Mountain’ that appeared in 1958. Bilāl’s remarks indicate the importance of fuṣḥā as a marker of religiosity among certain sectors of the nation, especially in Upper Egypt. Abu-Lughod observed that in the 1990s, teachers in state schools in Upper Egypt “train[ed] their students not to use greetings common in the local dialect and to use instead the proper Islamic salutations” (Abu-Lughod 2004Abu-Lughod, Lila 2004 Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. , 175). Besides criticism from Egyptian literary figures, Iraqi and Jordanian writers accused the translators of downplaying the significance of Arabic as a symbol of Arab national identity (e.g., Kajji 2023Kajji, Inaam 2023 “ ‘Āmmiyya am fuṣḥā? [Vernacular or classical Arabic].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4098591/إنعام-كجه-جي/عاميّة-أم-فصحى؟ (accessed 17 July 2023).).
Notably, pan-Arab media outlets, such as Al Jazeera, published a sample of comments from readers in Cairo and the southern region of Nubia regarding ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation. For example, a Nubian reader expressed strong anger towards the translator for referring to Cairene Arabic as the language of Egypt. The reader wondered why ʿAbd al-Hādī did not choose to render the novel in Ṣa‘īdī Arabic, given the historical significance of his city, Luxor, as the ancient capital of Egypt (Ḥāmid 2023Ḥāmid, ʿAbd Allāh 2023 “Tarjamat al-a‘māl al-‘ālamiyya lil-‘āmmiyya al-maṣriyya.. Jadal jadīd ḥawla al-huwiyya wa-al-ta’thīr [Translating world literature into Egyptian vernacular.. A new debate on identity and influence].” Aljazeera. Available at: www.aljazeera.net/culture/2023/1/13/ترجمة-الأعمال-العالمية-للعامية (accessed 13 July 2023).). The publication of these reactions ties in with the ideological background of Al Jazeera as a “pan-Arab media” and a “promoter of Arab identity” (Samei 2010Samei, Marwa Abdel 2010 “Public Diplomacy in the Age of Regional Media: Winning the War of Hearts and Minds in the Middle East: Al-Jazeera and Al-Hurra.” PhD dissertation. Northeastern University, US., 108). Abu-Lughod noted that the Bedouin community in Egypt viewed the diffusion of Cairene culture and dialect through serials as an aggressive attempt to “assimilate the distinct community into a nation-state that already dominated in the urban centers, and now was reaching out through a variety of institutions, especially schools, into such rural areas” (2004Abu-Lughod, Lila 2004 Dramas of Nationhood: The Politics of Television in Egypt . Chicago: University of Chicago Press. , 5–6). Accordingly, the production of translations in Cairene Arabic seems to feed into such uneasy relations with the people of the south, who invoke their distinct regional identity defined by their strong sense of social marginalization and otherness. Although these negative reactions do not constitute a representative sample of the southern population, they offer important insights into how the process of making Cairene Arabic into a national language incited a linguistic backlash among inhabitants of the southern region, who perceived such attempts as a danger to their local cultural identity.
The strong reactions to the selection of Cairene Arabic problematize Anderson’s (1991Anderson, Benedict 1991 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism . London: Verso., 6) contention that “communities are to be distinguished, not by their falsity/genuineness, but by the style they are imagined”. For him, the nation is perceived “as a deep, horizontal comradeship”, even though inequality and exploitation may exist in every nation (1991Anderson, Benedict 1991 Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism . London: Verso., 7). The fact that the translators and publisher associate Cairene Arabic with Egypt’s national identity demonstrates a horizontal conceptualization of the nation in terms of a collective homogenous camaraderie. Yet, this perspective glosses over the deep cultural differences within Egyptian society and accentuates the dominance of Cairene culture. The views of the southern critics and readers testify to the problematics of standardizing Cairene Arabic into a national language and show their identification with fuṣḥā as a standard and stable form of Arabic that unifies and represents all national linguistic communities. These views, coupled with the translators’ labeling of ʿāmmiyya as a national language, demonstrate that “language does not create nationalism, so much as nationalism creates language; or rather nationalism creates ‘our’ common-sense, unquestioned view that there are, ‘naturally’ and unproblematically, things called different ‘languages’, which we speak” (Billig 1995Billig, Michael 1995 Banal Nationalism . London: Sage., 30).
5.Codification
5.1The translations as sites of folk linguistics
Language standardization is not the prerogative of linguists, for it can also emerge at the folk level. Suleiman (2013 2013 “Arabic Folk Linguistics: Between Mother Tongue and Native Language.” In The Oxford Handbook of Arabic Linguistics , ed. by Jonathan Owens, 264–280. Oxford: Oxford University Press. , 266) defines folk linguistics as “the range of views and attitudes people have about their language, including its origin and the myths surrounding it, that allow us to come closer to the overt or covert orientations, assumptions, and hidden ideologies of the community and how these relate to its linguistic repertoire”. Standardization might involve a struggle between the gatekeepers of linguistic standards and newcomers over the codification of a selected norm. Bourdieu (1991Bourdieu, Pierre 1991 Language and Symbolic Power . Translated by Matthew Adamson. Cambridge: Polity Press., 242) posits that “every field is the site of a more or less openly declared struggle for the definition of the legitimate principles of division of the field”. Al-Khamīsī (2022)Al-Khamīsī, Aḥmad 2022 “Al-tarjama ilā al-‘āmmiyya bayna al-jahl wa-al-ta‘ammud [Translation into vernacular between ignorance and intention].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3691729 (accessed 12 October 2023). criticized Fahmī’s labeling of his translation as written in an independent Egyptian language and contended that “the call to write and translate in ʿāmmiyya speaks to a grotesque conflation of dialects accompanying formal languages with the languages themselves”. Commenting on the boundaries between languages and dialects, he writes that the Arabic language and ʿāmmiyya differ in that the latter borrows much of its lexicon from fuṣḥā, but lacks a formal dictionary and grammatical rules. As a writer and critic who won prestigious literary awards such as the 2011 Sawiris Cultural Award, al-Khamīsī has much clout to police correctness in linguistic standards. He explains the differences between fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya in a manner that corresponds to the principles of pragmatics, as noticeable in his argument that plays and poetry can be written in ʿāmmiyya because they address a huge audience, some of whom are illiterate. Thus, he foregrounds the orality of ʿāmmiyya and the writenness of fuṣḥā.
Conversely, folk linguistic views and attitudes can be found in media interviews with the translators and publisher. Mūsā denounced the view of “the Egyptian language as the language of the common people and as an unviable medium of literary expression” (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). He, then, asserted that “the Egyptian language dates back to the seventh century and has its own grammatical structures and rules” (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). This view of intrinsic grammaticality shows a prescriptive approach to codification. For him, the modern Egyptian language is a direct descendant of the premodern form of the Egyptian language and an ancestor of Arabic. According to this folk linguistic perspective, the Egyptian language can be categorized into two distinct forms: pre-modern and modern. These forms exist on a continuum, with the Arabic language occupying an in-between position. The argument that the Egyptian language predates Arabic imbues it with historical significance. This viewpoint derives from the claim that the Egyptian language can be traced back to specific origins, whereas it is difficult to pinpoint the exact beginnings of Arabic (Jamāl al-Dīn 2011Jamāl al-Dīn, ʿAbd al-ʿAzīz 2011 Ḥawl Taṭawwurāt Lughatinā al-Maṣriyyah al-Muʿāṣirah [On the Evolutions of Our Contemporary Egyptian Language]. Cairo: Manshurāt Maṣriyyah., 18). Evoking the intrinsic languageness of the Egyptian language, Fahmī describes his translation of L’Étranger as an attempt to “make a case that the Egyptian language is a complete language that has its own aesthetics, grammar, and different registers” (Camus 2022Camus, Albert 2022 Al-Gharīb [The Stranger]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Elles., 5). He maintains that no Egyptian speaks pure fuṣḥā and that “there are two distinct languages: the pure fuṣḥā, spoken by the people of the Arabian Peninsula, and al-Lugha Maṣriyya ‘the Egyptian language’ that combines Arabic, hieroglyphs and Romanian” (ʿAbd al-Laṭīf 2022ʿAbd al-Laṭīf, Duʿā 2022 “Riwāyāt bil-‘āmmiyya al-maṣriyya... Hal thammat khaṭar ‘alā al-fuṣḥā? [Novels in the Egyptian colloquial .. Is there a danger to classical Arabic?].” Al Jazeera. Available at: www.aljazeera.net/culture/2022/2/8/روايات-بالعامية-المصرية-هل-ثمة-خطر-على (accessed 29 November 2023).).
Likewise, ʿAbd al-Hādī uses the preface as a site of folk linguistics, where he codifies the Egyptian language by creating a spelling that matches Egyptian patterns of speaking. The translator observes that one of the most challenging aspects of writing in the Egyptian language is the letter “ق” [q] which is pronounced as [’] (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 5). He opts to replace the letter “ى” [ā] with “ا” (which also represents [ā]) in order to conform to the rules of the Egyptian language (2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 6). ʿAbd al-Hādī excludes certain Arabic letters from the language, such as “ث” [th] and “ظ” [ẓ], on the grounds that the Egyptian people pronounce the phonemes that are represented by them respectively as [t] or [s] and [ḍ] or [z]. These orthographical conceptualizations show the importance of “the suppression of optional variability” in linguistic standardization (Milroy and Milroy 2012Milroy, James, and Lesley Milroy 2012 Authority in Language: Investigating Standard English . London: Routledge. , 6). In addition to using paratexts as sites of codification, the linguistic features of the translations offer glimpses into the translators’ approaches to codification.
5.2Textual codification of the selected norm
Translation plays an essential role in lexical codification because of contact with foreign languages. As Kristiansen (2019Kristiansen, Tore 2019 “Language Standardization.” In Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science , ed. by Jeroen Darquennes, Joseph C. Salmons, and Wim Vandenbussche, 384–97. Berlin: De Gruyter., 389) observes, “codifiers of today are, first and foremost, preoccupied with issues of purism versus laissez-faire in relation to English”. The selection of the label ‘the Egyptian fuṣḥ ā’ entails incorporating hybrid features of both fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya. The translations also include lexical borrowings from English, French, and Spanish. To be sure, some consensus exists for the observation that the translations were produced in Cairene Arabic. The example below is a clear candidate for the manifestations of hybridity in Fahmī’s translation of L’Étranger.
| Source Text | Aujourd’hui, maman est morte. Ou peut-être hier, je ne sais pas. J’ai reçu un télégramme de l’asile : « Mère décédée. Enterrement demain. Sentiments distingués. » Cela ne veut rien dire. C’était peut être hier |
| Target Text | النهارده، ماما ماتت. أو يمكن إمبارح، مش عارف. وصلني تلغراف من الدار بيقول: « الوالدة إتوفت. بكرة الدفن. البقية في حياتك ». ده كلام مالوش معنى. ويمكن إللي حصل ده يكون حصل إمبارح |
The Egyptian dialect used in the translation is mainly Cairene, as evidenced by the deployment of lexical items such as māmā, ʾimbāriḥ, and mā-lūsh. To this can be added the Cairene clitic demonstrative dah and the relative pronoun illi. Yet, the lexical choices are mostly standard Arabic or variants of standard lexical items, such as waṣalnī, ḥaṣal and itwaffit, the latter being a colloquial variant of tuwwffiyat. The verb tuwwffī in fuṣḥā and its colloquial variant itwaffā exhibit different semantic-syntactic features. In fuṣḥā, tuwwffī functions as an intransitive non-active verb, following the u-i vocalic pattern typical of passive verbs derived from transitive active verbs in Modern Standard Arabic. By contrast, the colloquial variant itwaffā is an intransitive non-active verb formed in the tCaCCaC pattern. Another salient marker of Cairene Arabic is the word yimkin. In ʿāmmiyya, it is employed as an adverb of probability, whereas, in fuṣḥā, it is pronounced as yumkin and functions as a modal verb of probability.
The translator uses a complex mix of linguistic elements from Cairene Arabic and fuṣḥā, ranging from the classical item al-wāldah, which captures the formality of the word ‘mère’ in French, to the colloquial idiomatic expression mish ʿārif, literally meaning ‘I do not know’. The inclusion of such classical terms and variants of fuṣḥā in the telegraph content meshes with its formal function as a written communication and can thus be understood in light of the functional distribution of language varieties. Even the colloquial expression mish ʿārif entails a combination of an Egyptian (Middle Eastern) negation particle mish with an active participle ʿārif which is shared by fuṣḥā and Egyptian Arabic. In fuṣḥā, the participle ʿārif implies a deeper level of knowledge about all aspects of the matter, whereas in ʿāmmiyya it implies practical, everyday knowledge. Furthermore, there is a grammatical difference in negation patterns: the colloquial nominal predicate mish ʿārif becomes the verbal phrase la aʿrifu in fuṣḥā. The code-switching between Cairene Arabic and fuṣḥā shows that they are “different codes but with a lot of shared […] morphemes, and it is almost impossible at times to say whether a certain morpheme belongs to [fuṣḥā or ʿāmmiyya]” (Bassiouney 2009Bassiouney, Reem 2009 Arabic Sociolinguistics . Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. , 124). The selection of Cairene Arabic can be justified on the grounds that in Egyptian mass media, “only the Cairene dialect was portrayed as understandable to all Egyptians and hence familiar and normal” (Fahmy 2011Fahmy, Ziad 2011 Ordinary Egyptians: Creating the Modern Nation through Popular Culture . Stanford: Stanford University Press. , 10). A crucial point here is that the fuṣḥā-ʿāmmiyya binary does not capture the multiple in-between registers and varieties.
In a similar vein, ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation oscillates between Cariene Arabic and fuṣḥā and switches between several registers within these two categories. A good example is the use of the Cairene question tag mish kidah wala ʾīh as an equivalent for “haven’t we” (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 8). The use of such colloquial expressions sharply contrasts with the employment of high-register fuṣḥā phrases such as al-nasīm al-ʿalīl to convey the meaning of ‘light brisa’ (2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 55). Syntactically, the translation contains several markers of ʿāmmiyya, including the use of the subject-verb-object (SVO) word order. This is especially the case in the translation of dialogues. The following example illustrates this point.
| Source Text | “He was a great manager,” the boy said. “My father thinks he was the greatest.” “Because he came here the most times,” the old man said. “If Durocher had continued to come here each year your father would think him the greatest manager.” “Who is the greatest manager, really, Luque or Mike Gonzalez?” |
| Target Text | الولد قال: ”ده كان إدراجي كبير، أبويا بيقول إنه كان أحسن واحد“. الصياد العجوز قال: ”لأنه كان بيجي هنا طول الوقت. لو ”دوروخر“ كان قعد يجي هنا طول الوقت أبوك كان هـ يقول عليه هو كمان إنه أحسن إدراجي“. ”مين أحسن مدير بحق وحقيقي — لوكو ولا مايك جونزاليز؟“ |
The translation consistently adheres to the SVO word order pattern. For instance, the phrase “the boy said” is translated as alwalad qāl. While it can be argued that both SVO and verb-subject-object (VSO) structures can be found in fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya, the translator’s consistent deviation from the VSO pattern attests to his recognition of it as a distinguishing feature of fuṣḥā. Another noticeable feature is the deviation from standard tense rules, instead using modal and aspect participles to indicate tense, such as the clitic ha- that indicates the sense of prediction conveyed by the modal verb ‘would’. Of particulate note is the translator’s handling of evaluative meanings. For example, the epistemic modal verb ‘think’ in the first line, which expresses subtleties of judgement and a high degree of hedging, is converted into yaqūl ‘said’, which implies a sense of certainty and boosting. Here, the clitic marker for the indicative bi is affixed to the verb yaqūl. This demonstrates a tendency for prioritizing the use of ʿāmmiyya over striving for textual and interpersonal equivalency.
The translation shows a proclivity to invent neologisms on the basis of existing grammatical forms in ʿāmmiyya. The name idārjiī is coined as an equivalent for ‘manager’, using the suffix jī’, which is pronounced as gī and is commonly used in Cairene Arabic to designate professions like qahwajī ‘coffee server’. On closer inspection, we can observe that the shared equivalent ‘mudīr’ is employed when the dialogue takes a serious turn, as indicated by the old man’s question, “who is the greatest manager, really?” The shared element is followed by the colloquial formulaic expression bi-ḥaq wa ḥaqīqī ‘truly and genuinely’, which signals rhetorical emphasis. The infusion of colloquial tokens with shared elements and formulaic expressions serves specific sociolinguistic purposes, such as conveying a greater sense of seriousness. Likewise, Albirini (2011Albirini, Abdulkafi 2011 “The Sociolinguistic Functions of Codeswitching Between Standard Arabic and Dialectal Arabic.” Language in Society 40 (5): 537–62. , 539) found that switching to fuṣḥā lends a tone of seriousness and importance to a particular segment of speech. This differentiated allocation of function speaks to the effects of diglossia.
Another key linguistic feature that attests to the power of diglossia is the use of common loanwords in ʿāmmiyya, such as the French expressions “caravate”, “écharpe” and “monsieur”. The borrowing strategy can also be seen in ʿAbd al-Hādī’s translation, where, for example, the words tiburon and ‘shark’ are both transliterated. This strategy goes hand in hand with including footnotes to explain to the reader that the Spanish word tiburon and the English word ‘shark’ mean qirsh in Arabic. Furthermore, the translator transliterates many Spanish phrases such as Qué va, literally meaning ‘no way’. It is important to note that this Spanish phrase is dropped in fuṣḥā translations of the novel, such as the one by ʿAlī al-Qāsimī (2016Hemingway, Ernest 2016 Al-Shaykh Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by ʿAlī al-Qāsimī. Casablanca: Le Centre Culturel Arabe, 27). Such lexical borrowings imply that English and French “can compete in terms of prestige with fuṣḥā because of their association with modernity and the sciences and upward social mobility” (Daniëls 2018 2018 “Diglossia: A Language Ideological Approach.” Pragmatics 28 (2): 185–216. ., 197). The translators’ reliance on borrowing reflects their understanding of ʿāmmiyya as a heterogenous language that evolves through the assimilation of linguistic components from other languages. Borrowing is a well-established codification technique that Egyptian modernizers in the early twentieth century used and described as “consistent with the history of the Arabic language” (Suleiman 2003Suleiman, Yasir 2003 The Arabic Language and National Identity: A Study in Ideology . Washington: Georgetown University Press., 172). Aḥmad Luṭfī al-Sayyid claims that “in the medieval period the Arabs borrowed many terms from Greek, Persian and Sanskrit even when at times they had native equivalents to these terms” (cited in Suleiman 2003Suleiman, Yasir 2003 The Arabic Language and National Identity: A Study in Ideology . Washington: Georgetown University Press., 172).
More crucial, the translations feature swear words that carry sexual connotations. Take, for example, the translation of the sentence “he no longer dreamed of storms, nor of women” as khalāṣ mā baqāsh yiḥlam biʿawāṣif walā bi al-niswān (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 23). The expression niswān is a colloquial variant of the standard word nisāʾ and is used as an equivalent for “women”. This word might be considered vulgar by speakers of both ʿāmmiyya and fuṣḥā and is only expected to be used by individuals lacking linguistic decorum. The word can take on various connotations in different contexts, but in this specific example, it implies a strong tone and derogatory attitude. The translator employs ʿāmmiyya-specific vulgar expressions such as the derogatory phrase yā bint al-sharmūṭah, literally meaning ‘you daughter of a whore’, as an equivalent for ‘you whore’ (Hemingway 2023 2023 Al-ʿajūz Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by Majdī ʿAbd al-Hādī. Cairo: Elles., 32). By contrast, al-Qāsimī (2016Hemingway, Ernest 2016 Al-Shaykh Wa al-Baḥr [The Old Man and the Sea]. Translated by ʿAlī al-Qāsimī. Casablanca: Le Centre Culturel Arabe, 39) uses the high-register fuṣḥā equivalent “ayatuhā al-ʿāhirah”. The same pattern of sexually suggestive phrases and illustrations can be found in Fahmī’s translation of L’Étranger (e.g., Camus 2022Camus, Albert 2022 Al-Gharīb [The Stranger]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Elles., 32–33). The use of such vulgar expressions shows a desire to connect with readers from different socio-cultural backgrounds and replicate the vernacular of the street. A similar argument was made in connection with William Willcocks’ colloquial translation of the New Testament that appeared in 1927. Hanna (2019 2019 “When Jesus Speaks Colloquial Egyptian Arabic: An Incarnational Understanding of Translation.” Religion 49 (3): 364–87. ., 373) notes that Willcocks had to occasionally use vulgar expressions in order to accommodate different styles and registers that represent readers from different backgrounds. One could argue here that the use of different registers and swear words reinforces the establishment of ʿāmmiyya as a standard language encompassing a variety of styles, from formal to informal.
6.Elaboration: The turn to print culture
The processes of codification and elaboration are interconnected and inseparable, as can be inferred from the diffusion of the linguistic features of the selected norm through the translation of diverse literary texts from different genres, ranging from children’s literature to philosophical writings. The focus on literature might be explained by the observation that “it is mainly the standard written language which is used for literature, laws, formal institutional documentation which imbues the written form with prestige and often also makes it emblematic of the nation-state” (Ayres-Bennett and Bellamy 2021Ayres-Bennett, Wendy, and John Bellamy 2021 “Introduction.” In The Cambridge Handbook of Language Standardization , ed. by Wendy Ayres-Bennett, and John Bellamy, 1–24. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. , 4). The three translations underline the need to create a literary heritage in the Egyptian language. Fahmī intended his translation to enhance the written literary heritage in the Egyptian language, with the goal of achieving a level of richness and diversity comparable to the oral literary heritage (Camus 2022Camus, Albert 2022 Al-Gharīb [The Stranger]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Elles., 7). Similarly, ʿAbd al-Hādī emphasized that his translation aimed to “create a legacy in fiction in the language of the people, similar to the evolution that occurred in poetry” (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).).
The selection of canonical texts written by Nobel laureates is strategic in the process of elaboration, for it shows the translators’ awareness of their target social groups as well as their determination to dispute the belief that ʿāmmiyya is inadequate for translating works of high culture. The front cover of ʿAbd al-Hādī’’s translation carries the Nobel medal awarded to Hemingway in 1954. In this regard, the prominent novelist ʿIzat al-Qamḥāwī described the recent trend of translating world literature into ʿāmmiyya as “a decline in the cultural level”, pointing out that fuṣḥā “accommodates all forms of expression and creativity” (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). These criticisms are laden with class references, with fuṣḥa being associated with high culture and ʿāmmiyya with low culture.
The aspect of elaboration explains why Fahmī’s translation of L’Étranger received a disproportionate share of criticism compared to his translation of Le Petit Prince. The latter is classified as children’s literature in the Arab world, whereas the former is viewed as a philosophical work that explores absurdism and hence requires a high register of fuṣḥā. Equally important, the Amiri Press, the publisher of the first edition of Fahmī’s translation of Le Petit Prince, labeled it as a translation in “al-lahja al-ʿāmmiyya” (the vernacular) on the front cover (Saint-Exupéry 2018Saint-Exupéry, Antoine 2018 Al-amīr al-Saghīr [Le Petit Prince]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Amiri Press.). Small wonder, then, that this particular edition did not attract criticism and that it was “a best-seller” at the 2019 session of the Cairo International Book Fair (Muṣtafā 2022Muṣtafā, Īhāb 2022 “Hīktūr Fahmī Yuwaḍiḥ ʾasbāb tarjamatuh li-riwāyat al-gharīb bi-al-‘āmmiyya al-Maṣriyya [Hīktūr Fahmī explains the reasons for his translation of the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the Egyptian vernacular].” al-Dostor. Available at: https://www.dostor.org/3686874 (Accessed 13 August 2023).). This point becomes more salient when relating it to Fahmī’s reasoning in the preface to his translation of L’Étranger, wherein he suggests that it would have been logical for him to translate another children’s book in order to replicate the success of his translation of Le Petit Prince (Camus 2022Camus, Albert 2022 Al-Gharīb [The Stranger]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Elles., 5). In referring to children’s literature, he uses the Arabic term ḥadūtat aṭfāl (a children’s tale) that implies a sense of orality. It should be noted that translation for children in the Arab world is “governed by the same rules that govern writing for them” (Mdallel 2003). The translation adheres to some dominant norms, such as favoring international children’s classics that focus on adventure and imagination, while also upholding the tradition of story-telling through appropriate style and register (Mdallel 2003). Challenging the restriction of ʿāmmiyya to children’s literature, Fahmī retranslated L’Étranger to demonstrate that the success of his translation of Le Petit Prince was neither a coincidence nor a result of the book’s simple style. He advances the view that “while the Egyptian language can be used to narrate a children’s tale, it can also convey the complexity and philosophical underpinnings of L’Étranger” (Camus 2022Camus, Albert 2022 Al-Gharīb [The Stranger]. Translated by Hīktūr Fahmī. Cairo: Elles., 5).
The significance of legitimizing ʿāmmiyya in print culture can be further explained in light of what Haeri (2003) 2003 Sacred Language, Ordinary People: Dilemmas of Culture and Politics in Egypt . New York: Palgrave Macmillan. calls “text regulators” in newspapers and publishing houses in Egypt. The term refers to those whose responsibility is to check manuscripts for adherence to the guidelines of fuṣḥa before publication (2003 2003 Sacred Language, Ordinary People: Dilemmas of Culture and Politics in Egypt . New York: Palgrave Macmillan. , 55). She observes that text regulators employ diverse resources, including dictionaries, grammar handbooks and Qur’anic concordances, in the course of their work. In their interviews with Egyptian and regional newspapers, the translators and the publisher sought to neutralize the role of text regulators by insisting on publishing their answers in ʿāmmiyya (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). In so doing, they attempted to expand the range and importance of ʿāmmiyya as a print language. The unfavorable reactions from the literary establishment and newspapers are understandable when we consider that the calls for replacing fuṣḥa with ‘āmmiyya could result in a re-hierarchization of dominant positions held by the proponents of fuṣḥa within the fields of literature and journalism.
As part of extending the applicability of the selected norm to multiple contexts, Fahmī actively promotes the Egyptian language by posting mass-mediated translations of short stories from French into Arabic on his Facebook page ‘The World in Egyptian’ and YouTube channel. The main objective of this endeavor is to reveal the potential of the Egyptian language for literary expression. It follows that the emergence of social media platforms like Facebook and YouTube as sites of elaboration is challenging traditional notions of language standardization, which mostly focus on written communication. It is telling that the translators posted excerpts from their translations on their personal Facebook profiles, which garnered reactions from the public and press. In 2020, the podcast website Bilmasri ‘In the Egyptian’, which adapts texts into Egyptian Arabic and targets mainly the overseas Egyptian community, dedicated a whole episode to reading chapters from Fahmī’s translation of Le Petit Prince.
Of particular note is the participation of the Egyptian diaspora in promoting the Egyptian language, as demonstrated by the fact that both Fahmī and ʿAbd al-Hādī are residents in France and England, respectively, and that the podcast website Bilmasri is run by Egyptian immigrants. As immigrants, the translators faced a barrage of criticisms and defamation. For example, Salāḥ Faḍl, president of the Academy of the Arabic Language, stated that “these actions [the translations] are solely perpetrated by individuals who have experienced a growing sense of detachment from their homeland, resulting in a disconnection of their moral compass and a subsequent immersion in a state of delusion” (al-Sayyid 2022Al-Sayyid, ʾAmānī 2022 “Ba‘da jadal ‘al-gharīb’.. Hal taṣluḥ al-‘āmmiyya li-tarjamat klāsīkiyyāt al-adab al-‘ālamī? [After the controversy surrounding ‘The Stranger’... Is the vernacular suitable for translating the classics of world literature?].” Asharq News. Available at: https://asharq.com/ar/6Vy3lG2OcmCAT7mZyakQsf-بعد-جدل-الغريب-هل-تصلح-العامية-لترجمة/ (Accessed 14 March 2023).). However, it can be argued that their status as immigrants perhaps shielded them from legal action and heightened their resolve to challenge the gatekeepers of linguistic standards. The utilization of profane language makes the translations vulnerable to censorship because of their undermining effect on “public morality” (Najjar 2001Najjar, Fauzi M. 2001 “Book Banning in Contemporary Egypt.” The Muslim World 91 (3–4): 399–424. , 12). The absence of reactions from the censorship authorities over the translations may also attest to the state’s growing tolerance towards ‘āmmiyya in literary production.
7.Acceptance by the community: ‘Āmmīyya as a feminist counterforce to fuṣḥā
The phase of acceptance implies the spread of the selected norm “from above” and “from below” (Kristiansen 2019Kristiansen, Tore 2019 “Language Standardization.” In Handbooks of Linguistics and Communication Science , ed. by Jeroen Darquennes, Joseph C. Salmons, and Wim Vandenbussche, 384–97. Berlin: De Gruyter., 390). As indicated earlier, the translations coincided with a significant surge in literary works written in ʿāmmiyya, which received support from state-owned cultural institutions. The production of the translations shows forms of acceptance from below. Besides acceptance by members of the community of the Egyptian diaspora, the publisher makes a case for the endorsement of Cairene Arabic as the norm by the community of Egyptian urban women. A prominent feature of the new wave of translations is the rise of publishers who actively support and promote ʿāmmiyya. Elles is known for its publication and translation of literary works authored by women. According to the publisher’s mission, as stated on their website, feminism can transform power relations within Egyptian society by resisting patriarchal and masculine writings.
The publisher has enlisted several male figures to support its language-centered ethical view of feminism. Perhaps nothing exemplifies this orientation than the fact that the director of Elles is a man. Little wonder then that male translators have coalesced around the publisher and that their choice of literary works written by men did not provoke any concerns. Director Mūsā, in his statements to the press regarding the controversy over the translation of L’Étranger, expressed his belief that social stratification has led to inferior attitudes towards ʿāmmiyya that constitutes a distinct layer of the Egyptian language (Rāmī 2022Rāmī, ʿAbd Allāh 2022 “Tarjamat riwāyat “al-gharīb” lil-‘āmmiyya: mawqif īdyūlūjī am ḥāja lil-tajrīb? | kāmū ‘al-miṣr’ yujaddid al-ḥarb bayna al-fuṣḥā wa-al-‘āmmiyya [Is translating the novel ‘The Stranger’ into the vernacular an ideological position or a need for experimentation? | Camus ‘The Egyptian’ renews the war between classical and colloquial].” Al-akhbar. Available at: https://al-akhbar.com/Literature_Arts/328403 (accessed 23 February 2023).). Consequently, the publisher considers fuṣḥa to be patriarchal. Mūsā further contends that the Egyptian language employed by Fahmī uses a higher register than ʿāmmiyya, and that only the elite class speaks fuṣḥa. These statements establish a dichotomy between fuṣḥa-masculinity-elite and ʿāmmiyya-femininity-common folk in society. The publisher’s website exclusively features content written in ʿāmmiyya, which might be linked to their patriarchal view of fuṣḥa and their efforts to elaborate the use of Cairene Arabic in diverse contexts.
Ample evidence suggests that Cairene Arabic serves as a strong marker of the in-group identity of Egyptian urban women. Haeri (2000)Haeri, Niloofar 2000 “Form and Ideology: Arabic Sociolinguistics and Beyond.” Annual Review of Anthropology 29: 61–87. notes that women attach far less importance to fuṣḥa as a marker of religious and Arab identity. The translators’ determination to neutralize the role of text regulators and publish their media interviews in ʿāmmiyya can be better explained by Haeri’s assertion that individuals from marginalized groups in Egypt, such as women and Christians, are seldom given the opportunity to assume this role, which explains the predominance of male Muslims among text regulators (Haeri 2003 2003 Sacred Language, Ordinary People: Dilemmas of Culture and Politics in Egypt . New York: Palgrave Macmillan. , 65). The feminist publisher’s investment in the publication of vernacular translations might also be attributed to the fact that novelists and poets writing in ʿāmmiyya, most notably Bayram al-Tūnīsī (1893–1961), have been recognized for their advocacy of women’s rights (Faḍl 2019Faḍl, Salāḥ 2019 Shu‘arā’ al-‘Āmmiyya: Min al-Sūq Ilā al-Mataḥaf [Vernacular Poets from the Market to the Museum]. Cairo: Al-Dār Al Maṣriyya Al Lubnāniyya.). The same holds for the translators. Fahmī’s YouTube videos on relationships take a feminist stance, evident in his criticism of philanderers, who are expected to show respect towards their female partners and refrain from infidelity.
While the publisher admitted that the translations of L’Étranger and The Old Man and the Sea did not generate a substantial profit, they are adamant about continuing to produce colloquial translations “out of their intellectual and moral commitment” (Al-Saʿīd 2023Al-Saʿīd, Usāmah 2023 “Tarjamat riwāyat Hemingway ‘al-‘ajūz wa-al-baḥr’ ilā al-‘āmmiyya al-miṣriyya tuthīru jadalan [Translating Hemingway’s novel ‘The Old Man and the Sea’ into the Egyptian vernacular causes controversy].” Asharq Al-Awsat. Available at: www.aawsat.com/home/article/4085751/ترجمة-رواية-هيمنغواي-«العجوز-والبحر»-إلى-العامية-المصرية-تثير-جدلاً (accessed 29 November 2023).). The motivation behind the ongoing efforts to publish translations in ‘āmmiyya can be understood in reference to Bourdieu’s (1996 1996 The Rules of Art: Genesis and Structure of the Literary Field . Translated by Susan Emanuel. Stanford: Stanford University Press. , 227) argument that “to produce effects is already to exist in a field, even if these effects are mere reactions of resistance or exclusion”. Similarly, Hanna (2016Hanna, Sameh 2016 Bourdieu in Translation Studies: The Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Shakespeare Translation in Egypt . London: Routledge. , 167) notes that “in modern Egypt, fuṣḥa continues to occupy a position of authority in the socio-cultural space with instances of challenge from ‘āmmiyya”. The fact that the two translations did not turn a profit lends credence to the argument that “publishing in ‘āmmiyya is financially unrewarding, because it means that the much larger number of consumers in the Arab world are sacrificed for a limited literary market in Egypt” (Hanna 2016Hanna, Sameh 2016 Bourdieu in Translation Studies: The Socio-Cultural Dynamics of Shakespeare Translation in Egypt . London: Routledge. , 170–171). Hence, the case can be made that the constraint of symbolic achievement overpowered that of economic power in the struggle to transform power relations within the literary field.
8.Conclusions
This study has investigated the sociolinguistic factors that influenced the production and reception of three vernacular translations of literary classics: Le Petit Prince, L’Étranger and The Old Man and the Sea. It has shown a struggle to imbue ‘āmmiyya with recognition as a national and literary language. The heated controversy over the new wave of translations was not triggered in the main by the use of ʿāmmiyya, but because of the translators’ attempts to codify and inscribe ʿāmmiyya with recognition as a separate language. By challenging the norm that high literary works should be written in fuṣḥa, the producers of the translations aimed to contribute to constructing a field of fiction in what they call ‘the Egyptian language’ that operates independently with its own norms. In the process, they set themselves the task of creating a written literary heritage in this language. The producers utilized Nobel Prize-winning classics as valued symbolic resources to increase the social distinction of the Egyptian language in the literary field.
The publisher and translators sought to establish ʿāmmiyya as a print language by conceptualizing it as a diglossic language with its own high and low varieties. To that end, the translations served as sites of folk linguistics, where the translators and publisher attempted to codify the Egyptian language in a prescriptive manner. The folk linguistic attitudes instigated strong, unfavorable reactions from critics, newspapers, and publishers in Egypt and across the Arab world. The unfavorable reception from literary critics and readers exemplifies counter-nationalist politics that resist the homogenization of Egyptian society by promoting a Cairene-based national culture. The findings confirm those in previous studies that the language ideologies of fuṣḥā and ʿāmmiyya “are maintained in the postcolonial climate through discourses on the purity of classical Arabic, on the linguistic corruption of the dialects, and on the increasing use of English as a symbol of Western capitalism and modernity” (Stadlbauer 2010Stadlbauer, Susanne 2010 “Language Ideologies in the Arabic Diglossia of Egypt.” Colorado Research in Linguistics 22 (June). , 1). A key pattern of incorporating loanwords from French, Spanish, and English into the Arabic language has been identified.
Haugen’s model of language standardization offers useful methodological tools to describe the various phases of standardization. The analysis has revealed that these phases do not occur in a sequential manner, as demonstrated by the observation that the publisher relied on the presumed acceptance of ʿāmmiyya by urban Egyptian women, even before selecting a specific variety of ʿāmmiyya for standardization. Codification and elaboration occurred simultaneously through the diffusion of folk linguistic views in the paratexts of translated works from different genres, as well as promoting the codified norm in media interviews and social media. That being the case, a relational understanding of the phases of standardization could benefit from taking as a starting point the wider sociocultural context in which the standardization process takes place.
Overall, the study has brought to the fore the ideological significance of the new project of translations in the so-called Egyptian language. This project is likely to gain traction over the coming years, considering that the publisher claims a moral duty to advocate feminism in Egypt and the Arab world. Still, it is too soon to measure the real impact of the increasing wave of vernacular translations. Currently, such translations are well under way, with a vernacular translation of George Orwell’s Animal Farm by ʿAbd al-Hādī to be published soon.
Funding
Open Access publication of this article was funded through a Transformative Agreement with KU Leuven.
Acknowledgements
I would like to thank my colleague, Helge Daniëls, for her invaluable input on this article. I would also like to acknowledge the thoughtful insights provided by the editor and the two anonymous reviewers.