‘It seems my enemy is about having malaria’: The sociocultural context of verbal irony in Nigeria
This study seeks to characterise the form of verbal irony common among Nigerians by identifying its motivation, inherent properties, and communicative value. Data for this study comprised detailed field notes taken within the last five years in contexts in which utterances occurred naturally. These were then tested among informants from diverse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds at the University of Benin to determine the prevalence and motivation of the ironic utterances. In addition, 500 questionnaires were administered to a group of students and staff in the same institution. These were analysed using frequency tables and simple percentages. Results support the claim that irony in this context is governed by a single cultural principle: “You hurt yourself by admitting a negative situation.” Although the study draws heavily from the relevance-theoretic echoic account, it seeks to reevaluate this account by suggesting that positive attitudes in negative situations are salient cultural notions that underlie the echoic account in this context.
Publication history
Table of contents
- Abstract
- Keywords
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Notions of irony
- 3.The echoic interpretation of irony
- 4.The Nigerian cultural context and the echoic account
- 5.Materials and methods
- 6.Data presentation and analysis
- 7.Summary of findings and concluding remarks
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Notions of irony
- 3.The echoic interpretation of irony
- 4.The Nigerian cultural context and the echoic account
- 5.Materials and methods
- 6.Data presentation and analysis
- 7.Summary of findings and concluding remarks
- References
- Address for correspondence
- Biographical notes
1.Introduction
Contentions about verbal irony as a subject of intellectual inquiry have increased in the last three decades and many strands of the notion have emerged, especially in the pragmatics literature (Simpson 2011Simpson, Paul 2011 “ ‘It’s Not Ironic, That’s Just Stupid:’ Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony.” In The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse Domains, ed. by Marta Dynel, 33–50. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ). Numerous labels for the various strands of the notion have evolved and so have detailed explanations based on the authors’ theoretical orientations and intuitions. For example, verbal irony may now be seen as an overt untruthfulness (Grice 1989Grice, Paul H. 1989 Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.), as pretense (Clark and Gerrig 1984Clark, Herbert, and Richard Gerrig 1984 “On the Pretence Theory of Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 113: 121–126. ), as relevant inappropriateness (Attardo 2000Attardo, Salvatore 2000 “Irony as Relevant Inappropriateness.” Journal of Pragmatics 32, 9–16. ), as an implicit display (Utsumi 2000Utsumi, Akira 2000 “Verbal Irony as Implicit Display of Ironic Environment: Distinguishing Ironic Utterances from Non Irony”. Journal of Pragmatics 32: 1777–1806. ), as a pragmatic insincerity or ‘allusional pretense’ (Kumon-Nakamura et al. 1995Kumon-Nakamura, Sachi, Sam Glucksberg, and Mary Brown 1995 “How About Another Piece of Pie: The Allusional Pretense Theory of Discourse Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 124: 2–21), as a reversal of evaluation (Partington 2007Partington, Alan 2007 “Irony and the Reversal of Evaluation.” Journal of Pragmatics 39: 1547–1569. ), as a non-deliberate act (Gibbs 2012 2012 “Are Ironic Acts Deliberate?” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 104–115. ), as critical (Garmendia 2000Garmendia, Joana 2000 “Irony is Critical.” Pragmatics and Cognition 18: 397–421. , 2018 2018 Irony. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ), as simply echoic (Sperber and Wilson 1981Sperber, Dan, and Deirdre Wilson 1981 “Irony and the Use-Mention Distribution.” In Radical Pragmatics, ed. by Peter Cole, 295–318. New York: Academic.), or as both pretense and echoic at the same time (Papa-Wyatt 2014Papa-Wyatt, Michaela 2014 “Pretense and Echo: Towards an Integrated Account of Verbal Irony.” International Review of Pragmatics 5: 127–168. ). This list is not exhaustive.
The problem, however, is that most of the studies so far have been based on native speakers’ contexts, and as such, research on deeply entrenched cultural consciousness that motivates irony in nonnative settings is missing. In addition, examples in these studies are mostly invented and decontextualised, and are based on the analyst’s intuitions, biases or theoretical persuasions (Simpson 2011Simpson, Paul 2011 “ ‘It’s Not Ironic, That’s Just Stupid:’ Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony.” In The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse Domains, ed. by Marta Dynel, 33–50. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ; Noveck and Sperber 2012Noveck, Ira, and Dan Sperber 2012 “The Way and How of Experimental Pragmatics: The Case of Scalar Inferences.” In Relevance and Meaning, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 307–330. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ). There is need, therefore, for an approach that privileges the linguistic and socio-cultural consciousness of a people in the production and interpretation of verbal irony. Even then, as Boutonnet (2009Boutonnet, Josiane 2009 “Irony: Stylistic Approaches.” In Concise Encyclopaedia of Pragmatics, ed. by Jacob L. Mey, 408–411. Oxford: Elsevier., 410) contends, “no absolute agreement can ever be reached about incidences of irony and their interpretation, as usage as well as interpretations are rooted in the social and linguistic conventions of a particular speech community at a specific point in time.” Bearing this in mind, and using authentic data from Nigeria, this study presents a special subset of ironic phenomena that draws largely from Sperber and Wilson’s echoic account but deviates from it in very significant ways. The study argues that, although verbal irony in the Nigerian context could be described as echoic, it lacks some of the properties said to be inherent in the echoic account. By questioning these properties, the study attempts to remodel the echoic account to accommodate what is essentially cultural in the production, perception, and interpretation of irony in the Nigerian context, thus providing a perspective not previously accounted for in the literature.
Consequently, the study will attempt to identify the main sources of ironic utterances among Nigerians, and show the prevalence of these ironic types, including how the culture of the Nigerian people, their belief systems, and worldview condition the use of irony in different contexts of interaction. The study will also explain what elements of the echoic account of irony are missing in the Nigerian context, and suggest the implication of the use of these forms of irony in a theory of verbal communication. This paper is organized as follows. First, a brief review of scholarship on irony is presented, followed by a summary of the relevance-theoretic echoic account and a brief background of the Nigerian cultural context. Materials and methods, data presentation and analysis come next. The last section deals with summary of findings and concluding remarks.
2.Notions of irony
Irony has enjoyed enormous attention among scholars since Classical antiquity. In rhetorical and classical studies over the years, the term has been applied to an array of related phenomena ranging from Socratic irony, situational irony, dramatic irony, Romantic irony, cosmic irony, irony of fate, to verbal irony including different forms of parody, wit, and humour (Sperber and Wilson 1998 1998 “Irony and Relevance: A Reply to Seto, Hamamoto and Yamanoshi.” In Relevance Theory: Applications and Implications, ed. by Robyn Carston, and Seiji Uchida, 283–193. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ; Attardo 2000Attardo, Salvatore 2000 “Irony as Relevant Inappropriateness.” Journal of Pragmatics 32, 9–16. ; Curcó 2002Curcó, Carmen 2002 “Irony: Negation, Echo and Metarepresentation.” Lingua 110: 257–280. ; Yus 2003Yus, Francisco 2003 “Humour and the Search for Relevance.” Journal of Pragmatics 25: 1295–1331. ; Abrams and Harpham 2005Abrams, Meyer H., and Geoffrey G. Harpham 2005 A Glossary of Literary Terms. Boston: Wadsworth.). Whether in linguistics, rhetoric or literary studies, the nature, meaning, and uses of irony have been contentious, although many scholars seem to share the notion that the basic or constitutive element of irony is semantic reversal (Dynel 2013Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. ). That is to say, the speaker of an ironic utterance simply wants the hearer to take the opposite of what is said as the intended meaning. Colebrook (2004Colebrooks, Claire 2004 Irony. London: Routledge. , 1) says “irony has a frequent and common definition: saying what is contrary to what is meant.” Or, put differently, “verbal irony is typically the expression of an attitude that is in opposition with the true state of affairs” (Kreuz and Link 2002Kreuz, Roger J., and Christine E. Link 2002 “Asymmetries in the Use of Verbal Irony.” Journal of Language and Social Psychology 21 (2): 127–143. , 127). Further, irony is said to arise when “an already held piece of ‘evidence’ clashes with observed contradictory scenario” (Ruiz de Mendoza and Lozano-Palacio 2019Ruiz de Mendoza, Francisco J., and Ines Lozano-Palecio 2019 “A Cognitive-linguistic Approach to Complexity in Irony: Dissecting the Ironic Echo.” Metaphor and Symbol 34 (2): 127–138. , 127).
In the Gricean programme, irony is said to flout the maxim of Quality to implicate the opposite of what is said. It is a form of pretense, for the speaker “makes-as-if to say” what is uttered, the outcome of which is contradictory; for example, a speaker calls X who has just betrayed him, a fine friend (Grice 1989Grice, Paul H. 1989 Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge: Harvard University Press., 34). For Gibbs (2012 2012 “Are Ironic Acts Deliberate?” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 104–115. , 108-109), “the entire point of ironic language is to express an evaluative judgement about the target.” Dynel (2013Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. , 403), who defends the Gricean position, sees irony as reversal, inversion, negation, opposition or contradiction of meaning and she says “evaluation is the second definitional component of irony, next to flouting the maxim of Quality, which promotes untruthfulness.” But as Partington (2007Partington, Alan 2007 “Irony and the Reversal of Evaluation.” Journal of Pragmatics 39: 1547–1569. , 1565) has observed, “irony consists in the reversal of evaluation which is in most part critical.” Unlike the Gricean position, however, he maintains that the ironic criticism need not be hostile as irony could be affiliative, as when it binds both speaker and listener together when the object of the irony is a third party.
Following from Grice too, some see irony as involving pretense (Clark and Gerrig 1984Clark, Herbert, and Richard Gerrig 1984 “On the Pretence Theory of Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 113: 121–126. ). They argue that the ironist does not particularly perform a speech act such as asserting or questioning, but only pretends to do so, and in the process, conveys a mocking attitude towards the speech act. In the same way, Recanati (2004)Recanati, Francois 2004 Literal Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. sees both irony and free indirect speech as tacitly attributive varieties of pretense. According to him, “the act of assertion is precisely what the speaker does not perform when she says that p ironically: rather, she plays someone else’s part and mimics an act of assertion accomplished by the person” (Recanati 2004Recanati, Francois 2004 Literal Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press., 223). A variety of the pretense account is also given by Currie (2006)Currie, Gregory 2006 “Why Irony is Pretense.” In The Architecture of the Imagination, ed. by Shaun Nichols, 111–133. Oxford: Oxford University Press. . This involves incorporating a tacitly attributive element. In irony, the performer of an action only pretends to do so with the aim of targeting “a restrictive or otherwise defective view of the world” (Currie 2006Currie, Gregory 2006 “Why Irony is Pretense.” In The Architecture of the Imagination, ed. by Shaun Nichols, 111–133. Oxford: Oxford University Press. , 116). While pretending to perform an act, the speaker simultaneously expresses a mocking or sceptical attitude to the attributed utterance or thought. Irony has also been described as a non-deliberate act, but something that simply “emerges from the interaction of multiple constraints that operate simultaneously in any moment of human experience” (Gibbs 2012 2012 “Are Ironic Acts Deliberate?” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 104–115. , 104). Gibbs argues that the sheer speed with which people produce and comprehend ironic acts is an indication of its spontaneity. In other words, the production and perception of ironic messages are so fast that they cannot be dependent on a conscious reflection either by the speaker or listener.
3.The echoic interpretation of irony
Relevance theorists describe verbal irony as echoic unlike the Classical and Gricean notions that see irony as mere a semantic reversal (Sperber and Wilson 1981Sperber, Dan, and Deirdre Wilson 1981 “Irony and the Use-Mention Distribution.” In Radical Pragmatics, ed. by Peter Cole, 295–318. New York: Academic.; Wilson and Sperber 2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Wilson 2013 2013 “Irony Comprehension: A Developmental Perspective.” Journal of Pragmatics 59: 40–56. , 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ). Wilson and Sperber (2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. , 125) argue that although “an ironical utterance typically implies that the speaker believes the opposite of what was said […] this is neither the meaning nor the point of the utterance.” They present the echoic account as the best explanation of the meaning and motivation for verbal irony. On this account, irony is an echo of an attributed thought which tacitly expresses a dissociative attitude to the echoed content. Irony is evaluative and often has a normative bias. They argue that since it is a common experience to find that situations, events or performances do not generally live up to some norm-based expectation, the aim of the ironical utterance is to complain or criticise those situations. Specifically, relevance defines echoic use as a “subtype of attributed use in which the speaker’s primary intention is not to provide information about the content of an attributed thought, but to convey her own attitude or reaction to that thought” (Wilson and Sperber 2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. , 129). Such attitudes may be one of mockery, contempt or scorn (Wilson 2018 2018 “Relevance Theory and Literary Interpretation.” In Reading Beyond the Code: Literature and Relevance Theory, ed. by Terence Cave, and Deidre Wilson, 185–204. Oxford: Oxford University Press.). The speaker may, in fact, be puzzled, angry, amused, intrigued or sceptical. On this account, anything can be echoed, including traditions, popular beliefs, assumptions, and even personal thoughts (Sperber and Wilson 1995 1995 Relevance: Communication and Cognition. Oxford: Blackwell.; Wilson 2013 2013 “Irony Comprehension: A Developmental Perspective.” Journal of Pragmatics 59: 40–56. , 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ).
On the relevance account, the utterance, “see what lovely weather it is” (when rain is pouring down) can only be successful as an irony if seen against the background of some recognisable person or type of person (or people in general) who had entertained the thought or said the weather would be good on a particular day and time. In the same way, Grice’s (1989Grice, Paul H. 1989 Studies in the Way of Words. Cambridge: Harvard University Press., 53) example “Look, that car has all its windows intact” (when the windows have all been badly broken) can only be a successful irony, as Wilson and Sperber explain, if seen against the background of some recognisable person or persons who had entertained or are entertaining the thought – for example, that in a particular city or town all cars have their windows intact.
Three distinctive features are identifiable on this account. They include the ironical attitude, a normative bias, and an ironical tone of voice (Wilson and Sperber 2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ). First, the ironic attitude, which could be mocking, scornful or contemptuous. In relevance, this attitude is said to be “primarily to a thought (e.g. a belief, a wish, a hope, a norm-based expectation) that the speaker attributes to some person or group, or to people in general, and which the speaker regards as ludicrously false or inadequate in the circumstances” (Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. , 209). Next, irony is said to have a normative bias. This means that the primary aim of irony is to criticise or complain about the violation of a norm-based expectation. Finally, irony is said to have an ironic tone of voice. This is in the form of flat or deadpan intonation. It is often slower in tempo and has a “lower pitch level and intensity than are found in corresponding literal utterances” (Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. , 214). The so-called ironic tone of voice is generally seen as a cue to the speaker’s attitude towards the echoed content; that is, a mocking, sneering or contemptuous attitude. The echoic account has been seriously criticised (Clark and Gerrig 1984Clark, Herbert, and Richard Gerrig 1984 “On the Pretence Theory of Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 113: 121–126. ; Toolan 1996Toolan, Michael 1996 Total Speech: An Integrational Linguistic Approach to Language. Durham and London: Duke University Press.; Utsumi 2000Utsumi, Akira 2000 “Verbal Irony as Implicit Display of Ironic Environment: Distinguishing Ironic Utterances from Non Irony”. Journal of Pragmatics 32: 1777–1806. ; Simpson 2011Simpson, Paul 2011 “ ‘It’s Not Ironic, That’s Just Stupid:’ Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony.” In The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse Domains, ed. by Marta Dynel, 33–50. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. ; Dynel 2013Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. ). Clark and Gerrig (1984)Clark, Herbert, and Richard Gerrig 1984 “On the Pretence Theory of Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 113: 121–126. , for instance, argue that, in the echoic account, what is a possible implicit echo and what is not cannot be easily determined. Dynel (2013)Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. attacks the relevance position as a replacement of the Gricean notion. She says the relevance approach is “ill-advised” and “unfounded” (Dynel 2013Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. , 407). Also, while Simpson (2011)Simpson, Paul 2011 “ ‘It’s Not Ironic, That’s Just Stupid:’ Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony.” In The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse Domains, ed. by Marta Dynel, 33–50. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. concedes that the echoic interpretation of irony is quite insightful, he believes it does not apply to all ironic utterances. He describes the discourse contexts presented by Sperber and Wilson as “highly speculative” (Simpson 2011Simpson, Paul 2011 “ ‘It’s Not Ironic, That’s Just Stupid:’ Towards an Eclectic Account of the Discourse of Irony.” In The Pragmatics of Humour across Discourse Domains, ed. by Marta Dynel, 33–50. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins. , 37). Relevance theorists have, however, put up a strong defence of the echoic interpretation (see Sperber and Wilson 1998 1998 “Irony and Relevance: A Reply to Seto, Hamamoto and Yamanoshi.” In Relevance Theory: Applications and Implications, ed. by Robyn Carston, and Seiji Uchida, 283–193. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ; Wilson 1998Wilson, Deirdre 1998 “Discourse, Coherence and Relevance: A Reply to Rechel Giora.” Journal of Pragmatics 29: 57–74. , 2006 2006 “The Pragmatics of Verbal Irony: Echo or Pretence?” Lingua 116: 1722–1743. ).
4.The Nigerian cultural context and the echoic account
Irony occurs in the context of culture; perhaps more importantly, it is determined, conditioned, and motivated by cultural sensibilities. But culture itself is not easy to define. Spencer-Oatey (2000)Spencer-Oatey, Helen D. 2000 “Rapport Management: A Framework for Analysis.” In Culturally Speaking: Managing Rapport through Talk across Cultures, ed. by Helen D. Spencer-Oatey, 11–46. London: Continuum. explains culture as some indistinct or vague set of attitudes, beliefs, and patterns of behaviour including basic assumptions and values which a particular group of people share and which ultimately influences how they see and interpret the world. Culture is a cognitive as well as a social phenomenon. As a cognitive phenomenon, it enables us to interpret the world (Knoblauch 2001Knoblauch, Hubert 2001 “Communication, Context and Culture: A Communicative Constructivist Approach to Intercultural Communication.” In Culture Communication: Analyses of Intercultural Situations, ed. by Aldo Di Luzio, Susanne Günthner, and Franca Orletti, 3–33. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ). As a social phenomenon, culture includes all the valuations and systems of orientation that come into the communicative act. It is organised as a system of mental representations or beliefs which have become integral to the cognitive or social consciousness of a particular group of people over time. Zegarac (2000Zegarac, Vladimir 2000 “Culture and Communication.” In Culturally Speaking: Culture, Communication and Politeness Theory, ed. by Helen D. Spencer-Oatey 48–69. London: Continuum. , 66) explains culture as implicit beliefs stored in the form of mental structures called schemata, and these beliefs reflect a people’s “internalised values, inform their views and influence their actions.” Spencer-Oatey (2000Spencer-Oatey, Helen D. 2000 “Rapport Management: A Framework for Analysis.” In Culturally Speaking: Managing Rapport through Talk across Cultures, ed. by Helen D. Spencer-Oatey, 11–46. London: Continuum. , 4) describes these implicit beliefs as “deep-seated orientations to life.”
Within the Nigerian cultural context, one of such implicit beliefs or “deep-seated orientations to life” is the assumption that negative words have the potential to cause adverse consequences, especially for the speaker. To this extent, therefore, I argue that irony in the Nigerian context is essentially echoic and the echoed belief is this deeply entrenched disposition, so that a common example such as “what a lovely day” said in the midst of a stormy weather and torrential rain does not necessarily violate the maxim of truthfulness by saying what is believed to be false, or even echo a prior assertion or expectation that the weather would be fine. Rather, the motivation for the utterance is deeply rooted in a belief system that privileges a positive utterance in an unpleasant situation with the hope of preventing a negative outcome. This is the basis for the subset of ironic phenomena described in this study. Since irony does not exist in a vacuum (Bailin 2015Bailin, Alan 2015 “On the Characteristics of Verbal Irony.” Semiotica 204: 101–119. ), my purpose is to examine those sociocultural sensibilities, those systems of thought and ontological consciousness that give rise to ironic meaning in this context. For convenience, the communicative behaviours that are motivated by these cultural notions can be categorised into three related constructs, namely self-distancing, positive confession, and the imaginary enemy as victim. A tentative label for the resulting irony may be, for want of a better term, positive echoic irony, defined loosely as a communicative strategy by which a speaker activates a deep-seated cultural orientation that forbids being negative in an unpleasant situation, and in the process seeks to reverse the consequences of that situation by self-distancing, positive confession, or by invoking the imaginary enemy as a victim.
5.Materials and methods
This study is about the manner in which salient cultural notions mediate the use of verbal irony in the Nigerian context. Data for the study comprised, in the most part, observation and detailed ethnographic field notes taken within the last five years in contexts in which utterances occurred naturally. These were then tested among informants at the University of Benin to determine the prevalence and motivation of the ironic utterances within the Nigerian cultural context. Although informants were from diverse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, discussions were carried out in English, which is the official language. Data sources also included the author’s intuitions and self-knowledge as a member of the speech community, personal interviews, and focus group discussions primarily aimed at identifying the prevalence and motivations for verbal irony in this context.
Besides this, 500 questionnaires were administered to a group of students and staff also from the University of Benin, using the convenient sampling method. This was meant to simply identify the motivation for the use of irony in this context, authenticate the ethnographic data, and in the process provide a better understanding of the phenomenon. 388 or 77.6% of the total number of questionnaires administered were found useable. The instruments were analysed using tables and simple percentages. The analyses of the demographic data revealed that 166 (38.2%) of the participants were male while 222 (51.2%) were female. Only forty-six (10.6%) of the participants did not indicate their gender. The age distribution of the respondents showed that 174 (40.1%) of the participants were between eighteen and twenty-five years old. This is followed by 142 (32.75%) of the participants that were between twenty-six and forty-three years old, while seventy (17%) were forty-four years old and above. Only forty-eight (11.1%) of the participants did not indicate their age. In terms of highest educational qualification, 225 (51.8%) of the participants were below degree level, while eighty-eight (20.3%) of the participants had a first degree. Participants with postgraduate qualifications jointly accounted for seventy-four (17%); that is, fifty-four (12.4%) for Masters, and twenty (4.6%) for Ph.D. In terms of religion, 408 (94%) of the participants were Christians, ten (2.3%) were Muslims, and four (0.9%) were neither Christians nor Muslims. Twelve or 2.8% of the participants did not indicate their religion. These demographic variables did not have any significant effect on the data. Although the study is based on relevance in terms of theoretical orientation, it attempts to modify the basic tenets of the echoic account in order to accommodate what is essentially cultural in the interpretation of verbal irony in the Nigerian context.
6.Data presentation and analysis
In this section, data samples of ironic utterances are presented under given cultural principles that embody the echoed idea. These principles include self-distancing, positive confession, and the imaginary enemy as victim. They are all related. Participants are fully anonymised.
6.1Irony and self-distancing
Distancing one’s self from an unpleasant situation is a strong mechanism for ironic utterances in the Nigerian context.
A new graduate, Bimbo, narrates her sexual harassment ordeal when she was writing her final year project. She spoke with a lecturer in another department
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LECTURER: It’s like your project took such a long time to complete.
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BIMBO: Yes, it was my supervisor. He refused to attend to me.
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LECTURER: Ok, who was that?
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BIMBO: Dr. F. Each time I came to his office, he wouldn’t talk about my project, he wanted something else from me. When he saw I was not ready to meet his demands he did everything possible to frustrate himself, not me. Anyway, I managed to finish after the HOD intervened.
At the work place. A lady talks to her friend after an altercation with a younger colleague.
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NEKPEN: I’m surprised you have to be shouting like that in public. What happened?
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AMEZE: I was only asking that idiot to pay me what she borrowed from me. In the past six months she has borrowed over N20000 from me. When I told her I couldn’t wait any longer she began to insult her mother and her grandmother.
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NEKPEN: Oh, she also borrowed from you?
In VI-1 above, the ironic expression occurs in bold print, he did everything possible to frustrate himself, not me . This is much more complex than the examples of ironic utterances in the pragmatics literature. First of all, it is absolutely pointless to treat the irony here under the Gricean or the neo-Gricean accounts, in which the opposite of what is spoken is what is meant, because by saying, for example, “he did everything possible not to frustrate himself” or “he did everything possible to frustrate me,” the point of the irony is partially lost, if not entirely. Following the echoic interpretation, irony must express an attitude to a thought attributed to some person or group, and which the speaker “regards as ludicrously false or inadequate in the circumstance” (Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. , 209). Here is the first problem: a typical ironic construction in the circumstance would have been “he did everything possible to be helpful to me,” in which case the ironic attitude will then be targeted at the thought, hope, wish or norm-based expectation which is presently inadequate and which the speaker rejects. Apart from this, the echoic account says irony has a normative bias. Here again, the speaker’s aim is to criticize the violation of this norm-based expectation. However, we are dealing with a totally different scenario: he did everything possible to frustrate himself, not me. Here the ironic word, frustrate, is negative and describes the unwanted action attributed to the supervisor. At the surface level, therefore, the ironic attitude here might have been targeted at the failure of the supervisor to be helpful and to treat the student with respect and dignity, and the mocking or scorning is about the meanness of this supervisor. Although this ironic utterance is echoic in the sense of expressing a critical attitude towards a given behaviour, which violates a norm-based expectation, it does not fit in straightforwardly into the descriptions of the relevance echoic account. Granted, it is expected that a supervisor render the necessary guidance to a student in the process of project supervision. In this case the supervisor violates this expectation and the irony is meant to criticize it. For example, instead of being helpful, he frustrates the student. But the student does not say this directly; rather, she says ironically that the supervisor “frustrates himself.” In this way, the student ‘distances’ herself from the negative idea of frustration, from the idea of being a victim as implicated in the (optional) phrase, “not me.” The implication of this is that the echoic content of the expression actually goes further than the ideas of norms described in the echoic account. The expression, in fact, alludes to that deep-seated cultural norm that forbids the association of anything negative with oneself; that says “you hurt yourself by admitting a negative situation.” Here the idea of “frustration” is rejected and thrown back at the supervisor, implicating a feeling of triumph on the part of the student. This quality is missing in the description of irony in the pragmatics literature.
The same situation is observable in VI-2: When I told her I couldn’t wait any longer she began to insult her mother and her grandmother. It is expected that when one borrows money, one should pay back, and at the right time. It is also expected that the borrower apologises in the event of a default, at the very least. Under normal circumstances, it is an aberration to insult the lender as in this case. These norm-based expectations are violated, and the speaker is meant to criticise them. However, in reporting the incident she says …she began to insult her mother and her grandmother. This runs contrary to the canonical examples of verbal irony in the literature. For example, instead of compliment, respect, praise, honour (me), she uses the negative word, insult; yet not directly to her person, but to the borrower’s mother and grandmother. Why is this so? Of course we can observe a heavier reciprocation of verbal aggression targeted at the borrower’s extended face (mother and grandmother), but the main point is that by rejecting the insult (or by passing it on to the borrower’s mother and grandmother or by distancing herself from it), the speaker echoes the cultural notion that forbids the acceptance or association of oneself with negativity, which is the central thesis of this study.
The third feature of irony captured in the echoic account is the ironic tone of voice. Several types of intonation are said to be operational in the utterance of irony. These are flat or deadpan intonation, monotonic or overly enthusiastic tone (Laval and Bert-Erboul 2005Laval, Virginie, and Alain Bert-Erboul 2005 “French-speaking Children’s Understanding of Sarcasm: The Role of Intonation and Context.” Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 48: 610–620. ). This feature, no matter how important it is in English speech, is nearly completely missing in the Nigerian ESL context. In the utterance of the irony in VI-1 and VI-2 above, there is no significant change in the pitch level. It is neither said in flat or monotonic tone or any other type of tone that native speakers take for granted in English speech. This is because in the Nigerian English context where the influence of hundreds of tonal languages is dominant and, where the mastery of English intonation functions is minimal, the use of intonation to convey meaning in utterances is not very significant. In this context, people comprehend irony by recognising the incongruity between what is said and the context of the interaction (Gibbs and Colston 2012Gibbs, Raymond, and Herbert Colston 2012 Interpreting Figurative Meaning. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ). For VI-1, the phrase “not me” indicates that what has just been uttered is ironical. The implication of this is that the ironic tone of voice said to be an inherent property of irony in the echoic account (Wilson and Sperber 2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ) is completely missing in this ESL context even when the utterance can be regarded as echoic.
One question this study attempts to answer is about the spread of the use of these ironic forms among Nigerians. So, in addition to ethnographic data collected over the years, questionnaires with a five point Likert scale administered in this regard reveal a cumulative total of 250 (or 90%) of the respondents who say they have encountered the use of these forms of irony in their interpersonal interactions. Focus group discussions also indicate these forms are common in many discourse encounters among Nigerians. These supports the idea that the language use described in this study is fully entrenched in the people’s culture.
6.2Irony and positive confession
Saying something positive in a rather negative situation is generally believed to produce some desirable consequences, whether in matters of health, security, economic wellbeing or danger.
The text below is typical in doctor-patient conversation and has been widely researched (Heritage and Robinson 2006Heritage, John, and Jeffrey D. Robinson 2006 “The Structure of Patients’ Presenting Concerns: Physicians’ Opening Questions.” Health Communication 19 (2): 89–102. ). The doctor (D) observes the discomfort the patient (P) exhibits as she enters his office and tries to sit down.
So, how are you today? Are you okay?
I’m all right (she sits down, obviously in pains)
Amina is a woman in her fifties, and she’s a bedridden, stroke patient. Joy is in her twenties. She belongs to a religious group that goes from house to house to spread their faith. She stopped by to check on Amina:
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AMINA: Hmm… Bukola, my daughter, please help me (she tries to stand up)
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JOY: Ah! Sorry ma. Let me help you. Good afternoon ma, how is your health?
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AMINA: I’m fine, very fine. In fact, I will not complain. I’m strong… I’m strong. I trust in God…
Joy was at the university Health Centre where she had gone to do her health clearance. She approached a woman in her forties and this conversation ensued.
JOY: Please ma, where is the record room… sorry I can see you’re very ill.
WOMAN: I don’t know where the record room is, and by the way, I’m not very ill. I’m strong in Jesus Name.
VI-3 above is an example of doctor-patient interaction (Van der Laaken et al. 2020Van der Laaken, Manon, and Annw Bannink 2020 “Openings in Follow-up Cancer Consultations: The ‘How Are You?’ Question Revisited.” Discourse Studies 22 (2): 205–220. ). The relevance-theoretic account of verbal irony would assume that for the patient’s utterance to qualify as an irony, the doctor might have assured her of good heath in a previous contact. For example, the doctor might have said something like: “if you follow my advice on the medications you will be all right when you come to see me in three weeks.” By saying “I’m all right,” therefore, P would be said to echo that prediction or expectation which she attributes to the doctor and at the same time expressing a mocking, scorning or contemptuous attitude towards the echoed content as she dissociates herself from it. In the Nigerian context, however, this so-called earlier prediction or expectation is not necessary for the irony to occur. Even when in pains, she replies: “I’m all right.” Here is the main idea of the situation. For this woman, within that brief moment of contact, she faces the need to say the truth about her health and the need to utter a positive confession believed to have a healing effect on her body. By uttering “I’m all right” therefore she echoes a deep-seated cultural norm that forbids members of her community from saying negative things about themselves. This is the primarily reason this utterance can be regarded as echoic even if it lacks other properties such as ironic tone of voice, or a critical attitude towards the doctor’s predictions (if any). The same situation applies in VI-4 in which Amina insists she is fine: I’m fine, very fine. In fact, I will not complain. I’m strong… I’m strong. I trust in God… and in VI-5 in which the woman states I’m not very ill. I’m strong in Jesus Name, even when she is at the health centre to see a doctor. In both cases the hope of being well, of having good health, of being strong is expressed while at the same time implicitly rejecting the idea of illness. As in the other cases, what is echoed here is not a previous assertion that the victim will be well, or the mere expectation of good health, but something within their ontological consciousness, something that forbids negativity. Expressing hope and positivity in an unpleasant situation through ironic utterances is common among Nigerians. Consider VI-6 and VI-7.
The text below is spoken by a father to his son who smokes, drinks, and fights in the neighborhood. After a particular incident in which his son was severely beaten, he says:
I have been telling you to change your ways. The way I see you now (ha-ha-ha-ha), if you continue like this, your future will be very bright.
A mother is talking to her ten-year-old son who keeps on repeating the same mistakes.
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MOTHER: You have done it again!
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SON: It’s not my fault. It slipped from my hands.
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MOTHER: But you should have been more careful.
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SON: ((silence))
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MOTHER: I have always said it, well, if you don’t change, life will be very easy for you.
The bold prints contain the irony in the above texts. At the surface level, the utterances express some form of semantic opposition as the traditional and the Gricean approach would easily argue, so that the meaning can be paraphrased thus: if the young man continues to smoke, drink, and fight, his future will be gloomy. Or that if her son does not change the future will be very difficult for him. But this is not the point of the irony. There is hardly any justification for an ironical utterance if its purpose is simply to reverse an explicit meaning (Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ). In this case, the thought being echoed is in the form of a belief, desire or a general expectation that a young man should have a bright or good future. It is to this thought that the speakers express a mocking, scornful and contemptuous attitude. Another ironic feature that is relevant to the utterance is a normative bias. The irony is used to criticise the young man’s behaviour which falls short of expectation. As in previous cases, the ironic tone of voice is not relevant here as participants depend on the realisation of the incongruity between what is said and the context of the interaction to make appropriate inferences about the intended meaning. In addition to this, vocal signals such as the mock laughter (ha-ha-ha-ha) in the utterance provides a cue that what follows is ironical; or the discourse marker, “well” may actually indicate that what follows is not normal.
However, there is something much more profound about the irony in this context. In this Nigerian context, while a mocking, scorning or contemptuous attitude to the echoed thought cannot be denied, the utterances actually go beyond the immediate contexts to echo a cultural norm that requires the speakers to say only positive things about their sons. To say otherwise will amount to laying a curse on their sons. In this regard, therefore, rather than mocking the thought that their sons will have a bright or easy future, their utterances actually express hope that these children will indeed have a bright or easy future, and not a gloomy or difficult one. This is the deep-seated cultural consciousness that serves as motivation for this type of verbal irony.
Apart from issues of health and youth behaviour discussed above, the idea of saying something positive about oneself to forestall a negative situation is the source of many uses of verbal irony in the Nigerian context. Consider Examples VI-8–VI-11.
At an open market, where haggling is the transactional method.
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BUYER: Can I pay three thousand naira for this?
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SELLER: Sorry, I didn’t buy it at that amount. It’s four thousand naira last.
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BUYER: The last time I came to this market I bought it for far less. Well, I’m going…
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SELLER: That was then, not now. Please buy from me. For three months workers around here have not been paid, and business has been very good for us. Please buy from me… let me reduce the price by two hundred naira. Pay three thousand eight hundred naira. That’s about the cost price.
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BUYER: Okay, let me have it.
These two farmers are talking about their experience with weather conditions.
ENOMA: How are you coping with the rains?
AGHO: My brother, look, all my yam seedlings, I’m afraid. From morning till night, every day, for over two weeks. I have never seen such a wonderful season.
A worried parent speaks to a school teacher.
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TEACHER: Please sit down, madam. Chike will soon be here.
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PARENT: Please help me. Among all my children, Chike is the most intelligent. You see what I mean. His younger ones have all finished secondary school. We don’t know what else to do.
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TEACHER: Don’t worry, every child is different. We’ll do our best.
Odia and Uche are colleagues in the Faculty of Arts where this short conversation occurred.
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ODIA: Thank God, you are here now Uche. I was about calling you.
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UCHE: Hope all is well. How are you?
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ODIA: Well, thank God. Please lend me some money. I’ll pay you when salary comes.
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UCHE: O boy, you don’t understand. Right now, I’m very rich.
If workers in a particular area have not been paid their salaries in three months, the result of this for traders in the area is low patronage. So, when the seller in VI-8 says “business has been very good for us” it strikes the hearer as ironical. In the same way, the two farmers in VI-9 who are battling with the heavy rains know that their crops are in danger. Yet Agho says “I have never seen such a wonderful season.” The same situation is applicable to VI-10, in which a non-performing child is said to be the most intelligent in a family, and in VI-11, in which Uche, who cannot afford to lend his friend some money, claims to be very rich. In each of these cases it is quite tempting to think of the irony involved as a mere semantic reversal or even as a mere pretense. As relevance theorists have consistently argued, such an approach loses the essence of the irony in communication (Wilson and Sperber 1992Wilson, Deirdre, and Dan Sperber 1992 “On Verbal Irony.” Lingua 87: 53–76. , 2012 2012 “Explaining Irony.” In Meaning and Relevance, ed. by Deidre Wilson, and Dan Sperber, 124–145. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ; Sperber and Wilson 1998 1998 “Irony and Relevance: A Reply to Seto, Hamamoto and Yamanoshi.” In Relevance Theory: Applications and Implications, ed. by Robyn Carston, and Seiji Uchida, 283–193. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. ; Wilson 2017 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. ). But as there has been no previous assertion or prediction that business would be very good for the traders, or that the season would be wonderful, or that Chike would be a dull child, or that Uche would have a lot of money (VI-8–VI-11), the echoic account would see these utterances as echoing something desirable, one’s good hopes or expectations.
When these expectations are violated, as Kreuz and Link (2002Kreuz, Roger J., and Christine E. Link 2002 “Asymmetries in the Use of Verbal Irony.” Journal of Language and Social Psychology 21 (2): 127–143. , 128) put it, “statement that echo a positive cultural norm will be readily interpreted as ironic.” In so doing, the speakers tacitly express disapproving or critical attitudes towards those unpleasant situations – of low patronage, terrible season, underperformance, and poverty. Then, they also dissociate themselves from the situations. All of these conditions have to be met for the utterances to be regarded as echoic. I argue that this is not necessarily so, that these sets of ironic phenomena echo a deeply entrenched belief system, an ontological consciousness that forbids the explicit acceptance and confession of a negative situation. The utterances do not only express a wish for things to be better, for example, for a better patronage, a better season, a truly intelligent boy, and a more financially viable young man, but more importantly, they are based on the belief that saying otherwise would result in disaster. Again, in terms of how widespread the use of these forms of irony are among Nigerians, 265 (or 68%) of the respondents to the questionnaires say they personally use these forms of irony in communication. The open-ended question on the statistical instrument as well as outcomes of discussions, all endorse the fact that these forms of ironic utterances are heavily entrenched in the Nigerian context. Usage cuts across educational levels, age, and gender boundaries, and because it is a cultural thing, it is socially shared as part of the linguistic repertoire of the community.
6.3The imaginary enemy as victim
In many Nigerian cultures, the imaginary enemy is often invoked in communication to act as a scapegoat on which the interlocutor’s perceived misfortunes are placed. The situation is usually encoded in verbal irony as illustrated in Examples VI-12, VI-13, and VI-14.
In the text below, a former Governor in one of the states in Nigeria talks about how he escaped a fatal accident when a truck rammed into his convoy along Benin-Auchi road, killing two or three persons including a journalist. The Governor felt the incident was planned to eliminate him, and in a television interview he said:
If I had driven in my official jeep, they would have got my enemy.
A grandmother (GD) just returning from the hospital meets her daughter (D):
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D: (anxious) Welcome Mama. What did they say? Are all the test results out?
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GM: (sits down, and sighs) It is well, my daughter.
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D: What did they say?
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GM: Well, they are suspecting that my enemy has cancer.
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D: God forbid! How?
The young man in the text below was deported from Libya on April 25, 2017 after a failed attempt at crossing over to Europe by sea. This is an excerpt from his story.
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FELIX: So, it was quite an experience?
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OSAS: Yes. There was a time I spent five full days without food and water, and they were killing Nigerians everywhere.
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FELIX: What?
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OSAS: Yes, it was God that saved me. The night they shot my enemy, about 27 Nigerians were killed… You could see piles of bodies on Hilux as they drove to the desert!
Mama Sarah does a cleaning job in a household. As she closes from work on a Tuesday evening, she had this conversation with her employer. She spoke the Nigerian Pidgin.
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MAMA SARAH: I beg I wan cut small lemon grass from the garden
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ESEGBUE: Okay, but what for?
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MAMA SARAH: I wan make agbo. E be like say fever wan hold my enemy.
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ESEGBUE: Who is this enemy you talk about?
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MAMA SARAH: Na devil
(Translation: 1. Please I want to cut a little lemon grass from the garden. 3. I want to prepare some herbal mixture. It seems my enemy is about having malaria. 5. It’s the devil.)
The irony in VI-12 above is located in the bold prints: “…they would have got my enemy.” The first step in interpreting this complex irony is to enrich the utterance by providing referents for the referring expressions in order to arrive at a determinate proposition (Carston 1991Carston, Robyn 1991 “Implicatures, Explicature and Truth-theoretical Semantics.” In Pragmatics: A Reader, ed. by Steven Davis, 60–78. Oxford: Oxford University Press., 58). The ‘I’ is the speaker, the Ex-Governor, ‘they’ refers to some real or imaginary assassins, and ‘my enemy,’ at a deeper level of representation refers to the ‘I’ in the utterance. In terms of the echoic interpretation from the relevance-theoretic perspective, it is difficult to see the thought to which the mocking, scorning or contemptuous attitude of the speaker can be attributed. For example, he could not be mocking or scorning the haunch that made him drive in a different car in his convoy, for that has served him well; neither could he be mocking or scorning his own hope, desire or expectation of a safe journey for that is not borne out at all in the context. As for the normative bias, the speaker must be critical of something or better, someone, especially the ‘they’ or some ‘real or imaginary assassins,’ but this does not explain the irony. Yet, this irony is echoic, although not necessarily as presented by Wilson and Sperber. It is echoic because the irony echoes a deeply entrenched cultural norm or consciousness which forbids the association of misfortune or a deadly condition with oneself. So, rather than say, “they would have got me,” the speaker says, “they would have got my enemy,” because “getting him” is an unwanted situation. In this way, the offensive word represented by ‘got’ which could mean ‘killed,’ ‘assassinated’, ‘destroyed’ or ‘eliminated’ is passed on to the speaker’s enemy. There is also the mocking or scorning of the idea of trying to kill the speaker, but at the background of all of this is the speaker’s feeling of triumph over ideas or situations that have threatened his life; situations that he now holds in contempt.
The same situation is found in VI-13, VI-14, and VI-15. Following the echoic account, at the surface level, the mocking, scorning or contemptuous attitude is to the thought or idea of having a cancer or of being shot dead, or of having malaria, and the very expectation or desire to live which is threatened by being diagnosed with cancer or being shot could be seen as being criticised by the ironic utterances. But these do not fully explain the irony. The rejection of being terminally ill, of being nearly killed by a bullet, or of having malaria echoes a cultural norm that seeks to prevent danger or mitigate its effect by what is said. In the Nigerian cultural context, imaginary enemies are often the scapegoats on which one’s misfortunes are placed. To operationalize this ritual in communication, the speaker must substitute themselves with this imaginary enemy through verbal irony; that is, the imaginary enemy becomes the substitutionary figure to bear the consequences implicated in the irony. The implication of this is that irony is too complex a phenomenon to be described using those simple examples found in the echoic account. Irony can echo a cultural norm, and in fact, depend on it for any meaningful interpretation without necessarily fulfilling all the echoic properties outlined in the relevance-theoretic model. The attempt to prevent any form of misfortune befalling the speaker is a strong motivation for this speaking practice that uses an imaginary enemy as a scapegoat. In fact, 84.5% of respondents in this study attribute this ironic form to the desire to forestall any evil consequences.
6.4Comprehending verbal irony
Within the Nigerian context, ironic meanings are comprehended quite easily. In the first place, speakers do not consider themselves as lying or being untruthful when they communicate in the manner found in the data, neither do listeners consider speakers as lying. This is because both speakers and hearers share the same belief system. As Clark and Gerrig (1984Clark, Herbert, and Richard Gerrig 1984 “On the Pretence Theory of Irony.” Journal of Experimental Psychology: General 113: 121–126. , 124) observe “a listener’s understanding of an ironic utterance depends crucially on the common ground he or she believes is shared by the ironist and the audience.” In fact, the result of the instrument administered in this regard shows that in terms of comprehending and interpreting the ironic utterances, 88.8% believe listeners understand what speakers mean, implicating the fact that they all possess the same cultural knowledge. Sometimes, however, misunderstanding resulting from overgeneralisation may occur. Consider this example in which a young lady, Ada, calls her brother-in-law, Eze who had just had a surgery, to find out how he was doing.
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ADA: Hello Big bros, how are you today?
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EZE: I’m all right, Ada.
NICE to hear from you.
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ADA: En…
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EZE: Yeah, I said I’m okay.
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ADA: What again? I thought you were getting better the other day.
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EZE: I mean, I’m really okay, I’m fine. I feel less pain now. I’m fine.
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ADA: Okay, thank God, then. How’s my sister?
This conversation took place a few weeks after Eze had returned from India, where he had undergone a spine surgery. Hearing “I’m all right” in this instance, Ada had thought Eze was speaking ironically, and then raised an alarm: “What again? I thought you were getting better…” This situation arises because the ironical use of the expression (I’m all right) is so deeply entrenched in the cultural consciousness of the people that it becomes more accessible than the non-ironic use in interpersonal interactions. As the above example shows, sometimes it takes a good deal of effort from the speaker to convince an interlocutor that they are not speaking ironically.
6.5Composition of irony
In the pragmatics literature, whether Gricean, neo-Gricean or post-Gricean, the ironic word or phrase is generally positive as in “a fine friend,” “a beautiful weather,” “a helpful attendant,” just to mention a few. Wilson (2017) 2017 “Irony, Hyperbole, Jokes and Banter.” In Formal Models in the Study of Language: Applications in Interdisciplinary Contexts, ed. by Joanna Blochowiak, Cristina Girsot, Stephania Durriemann, and Christopher Laenzlinger, 201–220. New York: Springer. notes that irony is hardly ever used to praise or reassure, but whenever this happens, it can be traced to some prior doubt entertained or expressed as when someone thought to be unreliable lives up to expectation. In the Nigerian context, however, the ironic word or phrase can be negative and still be critical and evaluative. For example, “frustrate himself” (VI-1), “…she began to insult her mother and her grandmother” (VI-2). Besides, a common irony among Nigerians is framed thus: “will+ not +kill me.” This is often used to complain about an unpleasant situation and to reject a possible negative outcome of such a situation. Examples VI-17 and VI-18 are of this type.
A Ph.D student, Enu, narrates the tough experiences and pressures he has been receiving from his supervisor. These include writing a chapter several times, the volume of material he had to read, and other demanding tasks. He ends the narrative by saying, this man will not kill me.
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CHIMA: How far have you gone with your work?
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ENU: Hmmm. I’m still in the same chapter. Today this, tomorrow that, I have written this chapter four times! I don’t understand. This man will not kill me.
In the text below two colleagues speak about duties in the department.
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ABIGAIL: Have you seen the new course allocation and duty roaster?
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TOLU: That’s what I’ve been thinking about. It’s unbelievable. Why don’t they employ additional staff?
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ABIGAIL: Now I have to teach three levels, supervise projects, be a course adviser to three hundred level, and at the same time function as exams officer. They won’t kill me in this department. I’m going to see the HOD right away.
In the situations represented in the two examples above, the speakers seem overwhelmed by the pressure of work and they fear they might die as a result. But accepting that possibility and saying so means pronouncing a sentence of death on themselves. So, this man will not kill me and they won’t kill me in this department echo that general belief that you get what you say. The composition of irony in this context reflects the speaking practices that people in this culture overwhelmingly orient themselves. Again, 92.5% of the respondents in this study believe that the speaker’s condition is determined by what they say. In addition, religious, and modern motivational, inspirational instructions that require people to develop a positive mental attitude in all situations predispose Nigerians to speaking habits that are manifested in this subset of verbal irony. Discussions as well as responses to the open-ended question administered also show that these factors are responsible for this way of speaking among Nigerians.
7.Summary of findings and concluding remarks
The main contention of this study has been the motivation for verbal irony in the Nigerian socio-cultural context. Like the echoic interpretation of irony, this study considers it inadequate to think of irony simply as the opposite of what is said. In the context described in this study, irony originates from deep-seated cultural disposition and sensibilities. Irony is echoic in this sense because it always connects those norms that are entrenched in the culture – a culture that comprises a system of beliefs that forbids negativity in unpleasant situations.
The echoic interpretation has three distinctive features. It expresses an attitude which is usually to a thought; it has a normative bias which is evaluative or critical and it is marked by a special prosodic feature. This theoretical model is not fully applicable to all types of ironic utterances as we have seen, hence we agree with Gibbs (2007Gibbs, Raymond 2007 “Irony in Talks among Friends.” In Irony in Language and Thought: A Cognitive Science Reader, ed. by Raymond W. Gibbs Jr., and Herbert L. Colston, 339–360. New York: Erlbaum. , 356) that “irony is not a single category of figurative language, but includes a variety of types, each of which is motivated by slightly different cognitive, linguistic, and social factors, and conveys somewhat different pragmatic meanings.” From our data we can establish the fact that an ironic utterance does express an attitude to a thought – a belief, a hope, a wish or a norm-based expectation, but this is at a surface level; at a deeper level of representation, the thought that the ironic utterance echoes is usually a deep-seated cultural consciousness that privileges a positive attitude, and discourages the association of a negative idea, thought or misfortune with oneself. In interpersonal interaction, this is manifested when a speaker self-distances himself or herself from utterances or situations they find unpleasant or annoying, when they maintain a positive mental attitude or confess something positive in the face of danger, or when they reject a life-threatening situation by passing it on to an imaginary enemy. First, there is a situation which the speaker considers unpleasant, annoying or life-threatening. Next, an echoic response is activated from the unconscious, and then there is dissociation of oneself from the perceived consequences of the situation. Irony in this context therefore is echoic mainly to the extent that it connects to a cultural sensibility to which members of the socio-cultural community are oriented.
Irony is said to be both critical and evaluative. It is hardly used to praise. This idea is shared by most accounts of irony (Garmendia 2000Garmendia, Joana 2000 “Irony is Critical.” Pragmatics and Cognition 18: 397–421. ; Partington 2007Partington, Alan 2007 “Irony and the Reversal of Evaluation.” Journal of Pragmatics 39: 1547–1569. ; Gibbs 2012 2012 “Are Ironic Acts Deliberate?” Journal of Pragmatics 44: 104–115. ; Dynel 2013Dynel, Marta 2013 “Irony from a Neo-Gricean Perspective: On Untruthfulness and Evaluative Implicature.” Intercultural Pragmatics 10 (3): 403–431. ). In our data, the expectations to which the targets fail to measure up are criticised, at least at the surface level, but as we have shown, the most important idea is the motivation for the irony, which determines the meaning that is conveyed. In comprehending irony in the context described here, participants depend heavily on contextual features such as the incongruity observable in the interaction, less on facial expressions and kinetics, and perhaps not at all on prosodic features. In the absence of prosodic cues, the listener can intuitively activate that aspect of the culture that forbids the association of danger or misfortune with oneself to arrive at the ironic meaning with minimal processing effort.
The implication of this study is that verbal irony is a more complex phenomenon than previously thought, and for researchers in the relevance-theoretic tradition, there is a need to rethink the motivation for irony in human communication. Our study suggests the need to abandon the simplistic view of irony as a mere expression of attitude to a thought said to be manifested in the form of beliefs, hopes, wishes, and expectations that things will be fine. Also, researchers need to rethink the simplistic view that, generally, the ironic word must be negative for the entire expression to be regarded as ironic. Finally, looking at the uniqueness of irony in the Nigerian context, researchers may wish to interrogate the nature of irony in other African speech communities, and compare their findings with those of this present study. Such a study might provide a more robust understanding of this concept in African societies, and ultimately shed some light on its implication for intercultural communication.